^. 


^ 

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t^. 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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1.0  }S^ts& 

2f  HA   ^ 

1.1  l.'^'ISfi 

—       M 


y 


Fhotographic 

Sciences 

Cksporation 


33  WUT  MAIN  STRUT 

WIUTM.N.Y.  USM 

(716)l7a-4S03 


4^ 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Instituta  for  Historical  IMicroraproduetiont  /  Inatitut  Canadian  da  microraproductiona  hiatoriquaa 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notaa/Notos  tachniquaa  at  bibliographiquaa 


Tha  Inatituta  haa  attamptad  to  obtain  tha  baat 
original  copy  availabia  for  filming.  Faaturaa  of  thia 
copy  which  may  Im  bibliographically  uniqua, 
which  may  altar  any  of  tha  imagaa  in  tha 
raproduction.  or  which  may  aignificantiy  changa 
tha  uaual  mathod  of  filming,  ara  chackad  balow. 


□    Colourad  covara/ 
Couvartura  da  coulaur 


I — I   Covara  damagad/ 


D 


D 


D 
0 


D 


D 


Couvartura  andommagia 


Covara  raatorad  and/or  laminatad/ 
Couvartura  raatauria  at/ou  palliculAa 


p~|   Covar  titia  miaaing/ 


La  titra  da  couvartura  manqua 


I — I   Colourad  mapa/ 


Cartaa  giographiquaa  mn  coulaur 


Colourad  ink  (i.a.  othar  than  blua  or  black)/ 
Encra  da  coulaur  (i.a.  autra  qua  blaua  ou  noira) 


rn   Colourad  plataa  and/or  illuatrationa/ 


Planchaa  at/ou  illuatrationa  an  coulaur 


Bound  with  othar  matarial/ 
RallA  avac  d'autraa  doeumanta 


Tight  binding  may  cauaa  ahadowa  or  diatortion 
along  intarior  margin/ 

Laraliura  aarria  paut  eauaar  da  I'ombra  ou  da  la 
diatoraion  i«  iong  da  la  marga  intiriaura 

Blank  laavaa  addad  during  raatoration  may 
appaar  within  tha  taxt.  Whanavar  poaaibla.  thaaa 
hava  baan  omittad  from  filming/ 
II  aa  paut  qua  cartainaa  pagaa  blanchaa  aJoutAaa 
lora  d'una  raatauratlon  apparaiaaant  dana  la  taxta. 
maia.  loraqua  eala  Atait  poaaibla,  caa  pagaa  n'ont 
paa  «t«  filmtea. 

Additional  oommanta:/ 
Commantairaa  supplimantairaa: 


L'Inatitut  a  microfilm*  la  maillaur  axamplaira 
qu'il  iui  a  iti  poaaibla  da  sa  procurer.  Laa  details 
da  cat  axamplaira  qui  sont  paut-Atra  uniquaa  du 
point  da  vua  bibliographiqua.  qui  pouvant  modifier 
una  image  reproduite.  ou  qui  p«uvent  exiger  une 
modification  dana  la  mAthoda  normale  de  filmege 
aont  indiquAa  ci-daaaoua. 


|~n  Colourad  pagaa/ 


D 
0 
D 
E 
El 
D 


D 


Thia  item  ia  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  eat  film*  au  taux  da  reduction  indiqui  ei-deaaoua. 


Pagae  da  coulaur 

Pagaa  damaged/ 
Pagaa  andommagiaa 


t 


Pagaa  raatorad  and/or  laminated/ 
Pagaa  reataurAes  at/ou  palliculAea 

Pagaw  diacoioured.  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pagaa  dicoloriaa.  tachatiea  ou  piquAes 

Pagaa  detached/ 
Pegea  ditachAas 

Showthrough/ 
Tranaparance 

Quality  of  print  variaa/ 
QualitA  inAgale  de  I'impreaaion 

Includaa  supplementary  materiel/ 
Ccinprend  du  metiriel  supplAmentaire 


I — I   Only  edition  available/ 


Seule  Mition  disponible 

Pagaa  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  heve  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  imege/ 
Lea  pegea  totaiement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  per  un  feuiilet  d'errata.  una  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  it*  filmAea  i  nouveau  da  fa^on  i 
obtenir  la  mailleure  image  possible. 


P 
o 
ft 


O 

b 
tl 
ai 
o 
fii 
ai 
o 


Tl 
at 
Tl 
w 

M 
dl 
er 
bt 
ri| 
re 
m< 


10X 

14X 

18X 

22X 

26X 

30X 

y 

12X 

16X 

aox 

a4x 

28X 

32X 

TiM  copy  flIniMl  her*  has  lM«n  raproducMl  thanks 
to  tho  gwiorosity  of: 

Douglas  Library 
Quaan's  Univaraity 


L'axamplaira  film*  fut  raproduit  grica  A  la 
g4n*roalti  da: 

Douglaa  Library 
Quaan's  Univarsity 


Tha  imagaa  appaaring  hara  ara  tha  baat  quality 
poaalbia  conaidaring  tha  condition  and  laglbillty 
of  tha  original  copy  and  In  kaaping  with  tha 
filming  contract  spaclfieationa. 


Original  coplaa  in  printad  papar  covara  ara  filmad 
baginning  with  tha  front  covar  and  anding  on 
tha  laat  paga  with  a  printad  or  illuatratad  impraa- 
sion,  or  tha  back  covar  whan  appropriata.  All 
othar  original  coplaa  ara  filmad  baginning  on  tha 
first  paga  with  a  printad  or  illuatratad  Impraa- 
sion.  and  anding  on  tha  laat  paga  with  a  printad 
or  illuatratad  imprasaion. 


Laa  Imagaa  suh^antaa  ont  4t«  raproduitas  avac  la 
plus  grand  aoin,  compta  tanu  da  la  condition  at 
da  la  nattatA  da  I'axamplaira  film*,  at  •!% 
conformit*  avac  las  conditions  du  contrat  da 
filmaga. 

Laa  axamplairas  originaux  dont  la  couvartura  an 
papiar  aat  imprimia  aont  filmAa  an  commanpant 
par  la  pramlar  plat  at  an  tarminant  soit  par  la 
damlAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  amprainta 
d'impraaalon  ou  d'illustratlon,  solt  par  la  sacond 
plat,  salon  la  caa.  Tous  laa  autraa  axamplairas 
originaux  sont  fiimis  an  comman9ant  par  la 
pramlAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  amprainta 
d'impraaalon  ou  d'illustration  at  an  tarminant  par 
la  darnlAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  taiia 
amprainta. 


Tha  last  racordad  frama  on  aach  microficha 
shall  contain  tha  symbol  '•^^  (moaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  tha  symbol  y  (moaning  "END"), 
whichavar  applias. 


Un  das  symbolaa  suh^ants  apparattra  sur  la 
darnlAra  imaga  da  chaqua  microficha,  salon  la 
cas:  la  symbols  ^^  signifia  "A  8UIVRE".  la 
aymbola  ▼  signifia  "FIN". 


Maps,  platas.  charta.  ate.  may  ba  filmad  at 
diffarant  raductlon  ratioa.  Thoaa  too  larga  to  ba 
antiraly  includad  in  ona  axpoaura  ara  filmad 
baginning  in  tha  uppar  laft  hand  cornar,  laft  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  aa  many  framaa  as 
raquirad.  Tha  following  diagrama  llluatrata  tha 
mathod: 


Las  cartaa.  planchaa.  tabiaaux.  ate.  pauvant  Atra 
filmte  i  das  taux  da  rMuctlon  diffirants. 
Loraqua  la  documant  aat  trap  grand  pour  Atra 
raproduit  an  un  saul  clichA.  11  aat  fiimA  A  partir 
da  I'angla  supAriaur  gaucha.  da  gaucha  A  droita. 
at  da  haut  an  bas.  an  pranant  la  nombra 
d'imagaa  nAcassaira.  Las  diagrammas  suivants 
iilustrant  la  mAthoda. 


1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

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<£. 


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.  /^ /^ii3l^-j/S^  y^^n 


rjke  iC84er«(^»<i  Maiiitm  of  the  Hmtt  iff  JUprmnMm, 
ikdr  reipuUoe  ComMtkmnt$* 


A  I^lrillteliasibtP  iU  batia  tiie  eapaoitf  mnI  f^ht  of  tb* 

BOple  to  go^rn  tbemselves.    A  main  pvinefple  Qttkrepnh 

itifo  ropnblie  is  the  responiibility  of  the  voprofvntiitivet 

their  eoottitiients^    Frei^dom  and  publieity  ^dbhato  mf 

itial  to  the  preservation  oi  siieb  forms  of  govennneiitp 

ly^ry  arWtrary  abridgment  of  the  right  of  speeeh  in  TOprii*> 

itivesy  is  a  direct  infringement  of  the  liberty  of  the  peo- 

Every  unneeessary  eoncealmeni  of  their  proecediiigft  aft 

it6ximation  towards  tyranny.    When,  by  systeinatie  raleii 

majority  talies  to  itself  the  riglit,  at  iU  pleasure,  of  limit- 

jspeeeh,' or  denying  ii»  altogecher  $  wiMn  secret  sessions 

iiiltiply  ;  and  in  pfoportion  to  tbe  importapoe  of  questiooa» 

|s  the  studious  eoaeealaient  of  debate*  a  people  may  be  assqfv. 

id,  tliat*  suehpraetiees  continuing,  Uieir  freedom  is  but  short- 

Ifed* 

Rejections,  such  as  thcsej  haye  been  forced  upon  the  atten- 
tion of  the  undersigned,  Member8,i)iJbo  House  oLKepi^seD' 
tati?es,  of  the  United  StateSj 

lion  of  Congresi 

_  "ivhiehV  timder 

the  .pluvious  question,  a~  power  is  assumed  by  the  inaj^ 

deny  tiie  privilege  of  speech,  at  any  st^e,  aad  under  ai 

Bumstanees  of  debate.    Xnd  recently,  %  an  unprecedoii^' 

assumption,  the  right  to  give  rteasbita  for  an  originikl 

lotion,  has  been  made,  to  depend  upon  the  will  of  tbe  ma. 

Prineiples  moi^  hostile  than  titeM  to  l^e  existence  0f  re- 

ssentative  liberty,  cannot  easily  bo  conceived.    It  tl  not, 

»wever  on  thtfse  accounts,  weighty  as  they  are,  that  the  un- 

-rsigned  hare  anderta|;en  this  addroM.    A  sul^eet^bf  hlgh^ 

find  mora  immediate  impor^tanee  impels  tbem  to  the  pl^« 

mt  duty.  '  / 

The  momentous  question  of  war,  with  Great  BritaiH>  Is  de^ 
led.  On  this  topio,  so  vital  to  voufr  interests,  the  jnjMtt  Of 
iblio  debate,  in  the  face  of  the  world  and  cspeetiQMr 'Of 
keir  constituents,  has  been  dbiile^  to  your  i^presenii^vttlf. 
|hey  have  beeh  called  into  secrot  session,  on  this  m%llii 
[resting  of  allyour  public  relations,  although  tlte  '6ireuiit#M^^ 
1  of  the  time  and  of  the  DatioQ,  aflTorded  no  ona  feosoaftr 


.>J!7' 


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X.  ■    '■■'  ^     ■•    .  - , 

\'  '*»  ■■:»  •»   ■ 

aMftoff  unlesvlt  tiefpnnd  in  the  ftp|ireh«iniAn  of  fliiefAet 
oi^piiblie  debates  en  piibtie  opiaieiij  or  of  ptfblie  opinion  on 
tJbtMiolt  of  the  YOto. 

'  BxftepitlkO  Bieiiia^of  tlie  Preiident  of  tbe  UnHoi  Statet,i 
whieh  fiQow  b^il»re  the  piiblic»  nothing  eonfidential  wa«  cem-j 
munieiUod.  ^Tbat*  message  eontained  ho  faet,  not  previoutlji 
l^own<  ]^d  one  reaion  ibr  vf'ar  #at  intimatied,  bnt  raeh  a 
«9iieof  a  natt^pidilioiuid  notorious.  The  ihteatioii  to  w 
mwt  and.infade  Canada,  bad  been  long  since  openly  Meowed 
.The  o^eei  of  hostite  nienisce  had;  been  ostealilitioilidy  An 
Boaa«^d.A  l^e  iimdeqiiaey  of  both  onr  army  and  nafy»  f< 
Mecessful  invasion,  atidiws  ias^eieney  of  the  ^rliiimktion 
l^^the  seauritj  of  o«p  seaboard  were,  every  irbepe»  Jawwn 
Tf  t  tho  doors  of  Cohgress  were  shut  upon  the  pNpie.  The| 
Iwiie  bjsen  carrfiiHy  Ippt  in  ignoriiJieJeE  of thf  v'tOfj^  ^  >"^1 
•uros^  Until  the  pnroMies  of  administvatiorii  were  iNinsummat^ 
ed,  andtbef^te  of  the  coiinti«y  sealed.  In  a  sitoatioii  so  ex 
trahrdinary,  the  iniders^iied  haVe  deeijied  it  their  duty  bjr  n 
aot  of  theirs  to  ^pmetioh  Uprooeeding,  so  novel  and  arbitrarr 
On  the  contrary,  they  made  eve^  attempt,  Iq  their  polver,  t 
iitlain  publieiiy  for  ^ieir  proceedings.  All  such  attofnpts  wer 
vain.  When  this  momfntous  subject  was  stated,  a»  for  de 
bale;  they  deaianddl  that  the  doors  should  be  opendi^ 
^*^--  belpg  pefosed,^^^  diecinled  diseussioii ; 'being  pe 

ations,  top  plain  to  be  misundei 

^^^_____ glosed  door's, 

I  and  t$lt  any  act^  „      ^  _^ 

gMult  an  abuse  <^f  powei^,  wouldbe lim  tela thill^lreaebet 
to  the  esseiktiat  rights  of  a  fVee  |ieop|0.    In  the%^^«ation, 
whiehvthe  iinders%ned  have  thus  been  reduced,  thef«re  eoi 
pell«l^  relnetintly  to  resort  to  this  public  deeiai^jion'Of  sn< 
tIoiWI  (If  tli0  itatis  and  relations  of  the  eouiVtry,  9S  dUVirmini 
tiieir  judgment  and  vot^  upon  the  question  ^f  Hirar.^  ^A  tried 
•Hre  «f  this  kind  has  appeared  to  the  und^rsigned^l^  lie  asw^ 
}m|i<bfioi|siy  domahded,'%  IMe  eireutt«t«iieoi##^lfteilage  ai 
manifesto  hebg  prepared,  and  eireakitcid:  at  pUbHe  iocpead 
in  ijrhieft  the  eauscsfor  wAr  were  enum^rat^d  apd  IhetmotiW 
^r  it  09iyieniratefil,  in  a  n^anner  suited  to  agitate  and-iitiiMent 
the  public  mind.    Injexecuting  this  task,  it  will  be  the  stw 
of  tbe  undersigned  tp  reeonoile  the  great  duly,  they  owe  to  tl 
people,  with  tW^oMtitntllonal  respect,  which  is  due  to  ' 
ll^mi^ptrators  of  pabJto  concerns. 

t  In  oomnienojipg  this  fie^  of  our  affairs,  the  undersign 
Ifimld  fail  in^uty  to  themsf^lve*,  did  they  refhiin  Arom  reci 
9^Qf  to i)i«  cotrse,  in  relation  to  pubiio  measures,  which  ttii 
|dopted  and  have  iuideviat|ni^y  pursued  frpm  the  fsoifin^ne 


ment  of  thisloiigf  ao^  ^veotfiil  MssS<m ;.  In  w1ii«h  they  iSelilie* 
Mialj:  Mwrificed  every  minor  consideration  tOf  wbat  they 
deemed,  the  best  intereiMis  of  tlie  country.' ; ' 

For  a  snceession .  of  years  the  inldrrsigoed  have  from 
j^riaoijde  ^Isapproyed,  a  series,  of  restriritlons  niion  com- 
meree,  aoeordirtg  to  their  estimation*  inefllcfent  as  re- 
spected foreign  nationa  and  injurious,  ehrefiy,  to'oitt^lves.' 
Success,  ki;  the  fystero,  had  beooroe  Identified  with  the  pridot 
tiie  elwraeter,  and  the  hope  of  our*  eahinet.  As  is' 'Aatttral 
•wlthmepi,  Mr  ho  have  a  great  st^kedepeiiidi^oh  the  sneeessof 
ft  &TO|rite  theory,  pertinaeity  seemed  (oinei'ease  as  its  hopffr 
liMniess'  became  apparent.  As  the  incifflelency  of  this  system 
«oaid  not.  he  admitted,  by  its  advocates,  without  ensuring  its 
fdbaimoiunent,  ill  success  was,  earefnUy  attributedto  the 
•n^iuenee  of  oppoflitjonc 

ITolthiii  cause  thepeople  were  tiuigln  ^  ehtfi^ Itamueeea- 
.  sire  failures  and  not  to  its-  intrinsic  imbecility.  In  this  state 
of  things  the  undersigned  deemed  it  proper,  to  take  away  all 
apology  for  adherence  to  this  oppressive  system*  Thay  wera^ 
desirous,  at  a  period  so  cij'itical  in  public  atfairo,  as  far  as  was 
eonsistent  with  the  independence  of  opinioiir  to>Qutritnite  to 
tlie  restoration  of  harmon^  in  the  public  eouneifei  aild  eOn*- 
eard  among  tbapeoplel  And  if  any  advantage  eould  be  thus 
ohbune<l  in  Our  fon^ign  reiatioiis»  the  undersigne<l,  buing  ei»- 
gaged.  In  no  purpose  of  P®>]iH||pr  party  ad|jafteeai«nt,'  woal4 

iiieatttres  and,  lat  the' 
aewiiir»  gajre  l|ti|pe  that  an  enlarged  and  enlig^'eWrd  i^*%ej^  ol 
4Bfei|«e,  with  ^fislon,  for  security  of  4»nrnil|rii{oi«*ri{^ls, 
UMsabeut  to  be  eommeneed ;  a  purpow,  whieh,whei^v«!r  found, 
4bey  deemed  it  their  duly  to  foftter^^  givia^,  to  ^^r^^-  lystem 
«f,  ipaasurestihiis  compLP'^hensiveyJls  unobsiriieted  u  e^uree  as 
^a^  consistent  with  their  general  sense  of  public  lUity*  After- a 
-«oui!ie  of  policy,  thus  liberal  and  conciliatory,  it  was  cause  of 
.^nQ||i«t^^t4lteomi]^miicatiA  have  been  jmrehased  by  an 

Unpreooaented  fxjjient^ltnre  of  secret  servic^'/tiioney  xand  used, 
.Jby  the  chief  magistrate,  td  diiseminate  siiii|Jfi«ion  and  Jealousy ; 
SM44oexeite  resentment,  among  the  citizens, %y  suggesting 
imputations  against  a  portion  of  them,  as  uHmeH^edby  their 
patriotiiim»  as  unwAPTiintcd  by  evidence.  - 

-  It  has  always  been  the  opinion  of  the  undersigonl^  tlint  a 
system  of  peace  was  the  poliev,  wli4wh  most  conijiOrtcd  wi<h 
the  ebaraotef,  eonditioa,  ami  inteivst  of  the  United' States ; 
4hat  their  remoteness  from  the  tlieatre  of  contest,  in£urope, 
was  their  peculiar  felicity  aitd  that  nothing  but  a  ttecessUy,  ab- 
|ji)|tttey  imi^rious  should  induce  them  th  enter  as  partieB  into ' 


'^ 


6 


wtMt  in  wlrieh  e^epy  emMideratidn  of  virtue  sn^  policy  Mens 
i^  bffiHrgottQn*  under  the  overbearing  sway  ofrapaeity  aMatti* 
Mtion.  Tiiere  i*  •  new  era  in  haniM  affairs.  The  Earopean 
vorMif  emlvulted.  The  advantages  ^  onrewn  situatieii  are 
peenli^r.  **  Why*  qnit  i^ur  own  te  stand  npon  foreif^  ground  I 
Why»  hy  interweaving  our  destiny  with  that  of  any  part  of 
Knropey  entangle  onr  peaeeand  prosperity  in  the  toils  of  Euro*  * 
pean  anftl»l<iott»  Hvalihip,  interest,  humour,  or  eaprice?** 

In  addition  to  tlie  Btany  moral  and  prudential  oonsiderntiopf # 
whaeh  siiould  detfr  thoughtful  men  from  hastening  in^  tht 
perils  )^f  stieh  H  Wi^r»  .there  were  some  peeuliar  to  the  Ui^ted 
States,  resulting;  from  the  texture  of  the  government  and  tho 
|i«litieal  relationf  of  the  peicple.  A  fm^  of  government* 
in  no^soinll  degree  experimental  eompoised  ef  power&ll  and 
independent  sovereignties  associated  in  i«hitions,  some  of 
which  «i:e  eritieal,  as  well  is  novels  should  not  be  haality 
precipitated  into  sitiwtions,  calenhited  to  put  to  trial,  tha 
airmglh  of  the  moral  hond,  hy  which  they  are  nidted.  Of  all 
states*  thatof  war,  is  most  likely  to  eall  into  activity  the  pas- 
sions, which  01*0  hostile  and  dangerou»  to  such  a  form  of  go* 
vernment.  Time  Is  yet  important  to  our  country  to  settle  and 
■in{\tiire  its  recent  institutions.  Ahove  all,  it  appeared  to  the  uri- 
idersigned  from  signs  not  to  he  mistaken,  that  if  we  entenpd  np« 
on  this  war,  we  did  it  as  a  divided  people  f  not  only  from  a  sefist 
of  4he  iiwd^qn^iij^of  our  'ygfgf^to  success,  but  from  mo«- 

iid  very  general 


Bur  ■|9Hflfei<> 


ilppears  to  the  midersigned,  that  the  wrongs^  of  whHii^^ 
l^illted  States  liave  to  eomplain,  altboogh  in  tome,  aspects;  ve«> 
ry  grievous  to  pur  interefts,  and,  in  mi^y,  humiliating  to  onr 
pride*  were  yet  of  a  nature,  which,  in  the  present  state  «|" 
tlie  wc«4d,  either  would  npt  Justify  war*  or  which  war  W9«Ad. 
not  nmt&yk  Thus,  for  Install,  th^  hovering  of  Britishii%K 
sels  npon  our  coasts,  and  the  oecasioaal  insults  to  our  pb^ 
Imneiiously^demanded  sncb  a  v^«temafie  applieatifm  of  haij|sr 
.  ana  sea-eonst  defence,  as  wdoid  repel  siioh  aggressidns,  Jbiii* 
in  no  light,  can  theyhe  oonsideredasmakin^ar^rtto  Vaii^' 
at  the  preiient'tinie,  on  tl»epart  of  the  United  States,  critJier 
necessary,  orexpedient.  So  also,  with  respect  to  .(he  Itidinn 
var,  of  the  origin  of  which,  but  very  imperfrct  informa- 
tion has  as  yet  h^n  given  to  ih%  puhllo.  Without  n^y  ex- 
press act  nf  Congress,  an  expedition  was,  last-tt^fii*,  set  on 
foot  and  prosecuted  into  Indian  territory^  which  liMl  been  re- 
linquishid  by  ti-eaty,  on  the  |mrt  of  the  U.  Statoi,    And  now 

■  Washington. 


ftii 
•113 
indl 

fieri 
tef 


■>>4., 


reas^ 
the 
fore) 
I^Tes 
hous< 
this  i 
three 
pt^ss 
Coi 
«yMip 
iibuse 
thdn 
li 

Bnt 

^Ul  e 
If  din 
ifttttirt 
fnnrali 
in  thii 
•ly  ri] 
tnre,  J 
the  sul 
tioth  n 
aertcd 

The 
pHnei|] 
the  ma 
mnon 

The 

jral^ject 

Ibund  ( 

he  pro( 


leemt 

optan 
m  are 
oiiad  I 
nH  of 
Euro-* 
f»» 

[Jfiited 
nd  tli^ 

»ine  of 
baaility 

Of  aH 

^«  pas- 
of  go* 
lileand 

«(pdop» 
asefiM 

III    ll>0»' 


„.!#*"       ?^i4. 


%«  ft^  toM  about  the  ageiifiy  of  Arttlili  tMd«rs,  af 'to  TniSaii 
ImHilities.  It  deserYesooDtMenitioiit  ^vhetber  tber^  btt  becvi 
ftteb  providlilt  attentioDy  at  would  bavelioeR  proper  torenMivib 
lUiy  oaaso  of  eomplaiiit,  either  real  or  imaffina^;  whieli  tbt 
IMIans  might  ftlledge,  and  to  leeiire  their  ftieiidsbip.  With  . 
•H  the  sylBpathy  Ai^  anxiety  excited  by  the  state  of  that  ft*on'* 
tier;  iinportantaa  it  may  be,  to  apply  adequate  means  of  pro- 
teeubfiragaiaM  the  Indians,  how  is  its  safety  ensni-ed  by  a  do« 
ekmtion  of  War»  wbieh  adds  the  British  to  the  tioinber  of 
eMailes? 

As  *<  a  decent  respeet  to  the  opinions  of  mankind*'  baa  not 
itadu«6d  the  two  hoasfs  of  Coi^^ss  to  concur  ih  declaring  tlii 
reasons,  or  motives,  for. their  enacting  a  declaration  ot  W>ai% 
the  nnd«rsijs;ned  and  the  pablie  are  lelT  to  searehs,  elsevrhere* 
for  eauses  either  reuU  or  ostensible.  If  we  are  to  consider  the 
tVesident  of  the  United  State^r,  and  the  committee  of  th^ 
house  of  Representatives,  on  foreign  relations,  as  speaking  on 
this  solemn  occasion,  f^r  Congi'ess,  the  United  Htates  have 
three  principal  topics  of  complaint  against  Creat  Britain.  Im- 
pressments ;-^-4iloelcades  ;<-i^nd  orders  in  council.    ' 

Concerning  the  subject  of  impressments,  the  undersigned 
ayMpathice  with  our  unfortunate  scfimen,  the  victims  of  Ibis 
abuse  of  power,  and  participaiA|ia  the  nationaJUensilitilty^' oft 
thdraecount,  Th|y  do  p|  <iWBiiiila  Mi  iWBIl  m  9m}^ 
lmpmgbai)^4Md.lfiilidii  I'and  they  are  well  BWai^^nif 
sti^iMlB  Is  the  will  and  how  blind  the  vision  of'powerftil  nah- 
tiolis,i|  hen  great  interests  grow  iirto  controversy. 

iBoty  before  a  resort  to  war  for  sueh interests,  a  moral  natien 
Viil  eonskjer  what  is  just,  and  a  wise  nfttion  what  is  expedient. 
If  Olo  exercise  of  any  right  to  the  full  extent  of  its  abstrttct 
ilatu;t«ft  be  Inconsistent  with  the  safety  of  nnothcit  nation, 
Morality  seems  to  require  tba^  in  practice,  itsexercise  should, 
fai  this  respect,  be  modified.  If  it  be  proposed  to  vin^eatir 
flliy  right  by  war,  wisdom  demands  that  it  sliouUI  be  of  a  na* 
ture,  hy  war  to  be  obtain^.  The  interests  connected  with 
the  subjects  of  impressments  are  utiquestionubly  great  fa 
lioth  nations.  And  iu  the  futi  extoitt  of  abstract  right  as  as- 
serted by  each,  pcrtiaps  iiteconcilableb 

The  government  of  the  United  Stfites  asserts  that  the  broad 
prinei|de  that  the  Hag  of  thvii*;  merchant  vessels  sIihH  protect 
the  roarinei-s.  This  privilc^  is  claimed,  ah  lioiiglr  every  pei^ 
aoa  on  board,  except  the  Captain,  may  be  un  aHcn. 

The  British  government  asserts  that  the  uliegiuncs  of  their 
aumectsis  inalienable,  in  time  of  war,  and  that  their  seamen, 
fbund  on  the  sea,  the  common  highway  of  nutionf>,  shall  nut 
he  protected^  by  the  flag  of  private  merchant  vessels. 


8 

Tb*  iftid^nigfied  d«em  it  vnneceisury  here  to  fKiSntt  th*, 
^uMthifi  Df  .the  Ameiiean  elaim,  for  the  iniiuunity  of  their 
flag.    But  they  cannot  refhiio  from  viewing  it^&s  a!|»rineiple,  of 

•  nature  vrry,  broadandeomprehen»iye;totheain;iBeofwhi^ 
the  temptations  are  strong  and  numerous.  And  they  do  maifUr , 
tain  that,  before  ihe  ealamities  of.  war,,  in  Tindieatiop  of  iiioh 
«  principle  be  inenrred»  all  the  means  of  negociationjpbooidli^ 
exhausted*  and  that  also  every  praoticahlc  attempt  aAiMild  b* 
made  to  regulate  the  ex^erefse :  of  the  Hght  f  sf  tjhat  the  nje* 
knowlcdged  injury*  resulting  to  other  nations,  should  be  eheok* 
ed>  if  not  prevented.  'I^hey  are  clearly  of  opinion  that  the 
]>eiice  of  this  happy  and  rising  ooitimunity  should  not  be  aban.- 
doofd,  for  the  mkt  of  afllirdingfaeUitiee  tocovjerFceocb  pro- 
perty $  or  to  eropfoy  British  seamen.    • 

•  The  elaf  m  of  Great  Brit»iB  to  the  services  of  her  seamen  is 
neither  novel,  ftor  peculiar.  The  doctrine  of  allegiance,  {br 
which  she  contends  is  commoM  to  all  the  governments  of  Eu* 
rope.  France,  as  well  as  England,  has  maintained  it  fbr  cen* 
tuHe«»  .B<^.th  nations  elaim,  in  time  of  *war,  the  services  of 
their  sulifect?.  Both  by  decrees  forbid  their  enticing  into  fo- 
reign eoiploy.    Both  recall  tbeyn  by  proclamation. 

JNoman  can  doubt  that,  in  the  preseritstate  of  the  Freneli 
nmrine,  if  Anjs^rican  nierchui^vesseis  were  met  at  sea,  haviMt 

,J$¥f^Ktl^^oulA  take  them,    yim 

ieve  thaCtl^  VniteAjli^  w  09l^B9iilliiiMM^^S^^ 
f'rft|ief>,o»,tliis.^eouiit?.  "      ...••■  ^"^^%ii-:. 

For  very  obvious  reasons,  this  prineiple  oecasioiis  little  eoU 
lieii||i  with  France,  or  'with  any  other  nation,  except  iSndlnnd. 
Willi  the  English  nation,  the  people  of  the  United  St^tei 
iireelesely  ass}B)9ated,  in  blood,  language,  intero^ursorliKhiti* 
dress,  manners  and  char Acter.  When  Britain  is  at  iva? . fti^ 
the  United. States  neutral,  the  merchant  service  oflUetJiiiitei 
States,  holds  out  to  British  ifeamen,  temptation^  almost  irresii. 
tablf^<*-high  wa^s  end  pefteefifl  eviiplo^,  instead  «f  Jour  iH-m 
ges  a^d  war-service  ;-^afet^,  in  lieu,  pi  hazard  f-««tttirG  in* 
de|t«ndence,  in  the  place  of  qualified  servitude. 

That  Ei^gland  whose  situfition  is  insular,  who  is  enf^Bged  In 
a  war,  Kipparently  for  existence,  whose  seamen  are  her  bulr 
warlK,  should  lookLUpon  the  effect  of  onr  prineiple  upoo  hef 
safety,  with  jealousy,  is  inevitable ;  and  that  she  will  not  -bw* 
sard  the  pvtacUeal  consequences  of  its  unregulated  exerciae,  it 
certain,  llie  question,  therefore*  presented,  directly,  for  the 
deeisioiyof  the  thoughtful  and  virtuous  mind,  in  this  country, 
i«~.>whetUer  war,  for  such  an  abstNct  right  be  justifiable,  be- 
fore ntti'mpling  to  guard  against  its  injurious  tendency  by  Ie> 
gislativo  regalutlon,  in  failure  of  treaty. 


A( 

trom< 

requi 

been, 

iiodu 

manh 

foreig 

to  tbu 

Cer 

lik^ 

it  prot 

thers. 

restrai 

a  war 

of  emp 

TesseU 

The 

thttU  to 

the  exei 

and  Ibr 

she  disc 

yet  ttnd<| 

of  the. 

per  for  I 

tion  has 


remoi^ 

of  Injury 
l^oui 
Britis 
)tates,  i 

lent  iittei 
lign  sen 
Thedi 

s  not  oifi 
•t  be  df 

itizens  ( 
Th«5^ 
itiveto 
hat  was 
'retensio 
ithout  d 

ted. in  » 
hat  we  I 


* 


of  their 
ieiple>  of 
)fMrhiolat 
doinaillr^ 
I  of  ttioh 

t  theftiB- 

tieelieok* 

that  tbe 

be  abaiL- 

Boch  pro- 

seamoQ  19 
iance>  fbr 
it9  of  £li^ 
it  fbr  ceil- 
srvices  of 
ig  iniofo* 

lie  Frenek 
«a,havbM| 
pm.   yfm 

At 


Hide  wU 
^odiaiid. 
id  9tiitct 
i^lialHtl* 
-^Yar.ftiid 
IhfttlBited 
^ptirresiflu 

torn  yi-m 

re  uf 


A  dabioUe right  thoold  be  adraneed  trith  hf ftitatioti.  An  eiB» 
trome  right  should  be  asserted  with  diseretion.  Moral  daty 
requires*  Uiat  a  nation,  before  it  appeals  to  arm*,  should  havo 
been«  not  eal^  tme  to  itself,  bat  that  it  should  bave  foiled,  in 
iioduty  tci  otlMrs.  If  the  exercise  of  a  right,  inun  unregulated 
manherf  be  In  efieet,  a  standing  (nTitatlon  to  the  snl^eets'of  a 
foreign  power  to  beeome  deserters  and  traitors,  is  it  no  injurjr 
to  that  power  ? 

Certainly,  moral  obligation  demands  that  tlie  right  of  flagi 
like  all  other  human  rights  should  be  so  used,  tis  that,  while 
it  proteetswliat  is  our  own.  It  should  not  iiUure  what  is  ano- 
thers.  In  a  practical  view,  and  s6  long  as  the  rtgtit  of  flag  la 
restrained,  by  no  regard  to  the  undeniable  interests  of  of  beni» 
a  war  on  account  of  impressments,  is  only  a  war  for  the  right 
of  employing  British  seatnen«  on  board  American  merehaat 
▼essels. 

.  The  claim  of  Great  Britain  pretends  to  wf"  further  extend . 
Ihttil  to  take  British  seamen  from  prirate  merchant  vetfsels.  la 
the  exercise  of  this  claim,  herofficers  take  American  seamen^ 
and  fisreign  seamep,  in  the  American  service  j|  and  i^thoag^ 
she  disclaims  soehrabuses,  and  proffers  redress,  when  knowo^ 
yet  aodoubtedly  grioTtus  injuries  have  resulted  to  the  seameii 
of  the  United  States.  But  the  question  is,  can'wu*  be  pro* 
per  for  such  eauie,  befbre  all  htfl^Xiasonatdilft||comj^^ 
Uon  has  failedJM£|Mfti#ii#itiaplh|il^^^ 

il^jWh|ifrClitita  our  own  practiaebe  so  regnlated  al  W 
remoyie,  in  such  foi'eign  nfUion,  any  reasonable  appreb«tisJ|oii 
of  Injury? 
7%o  undersigned  are  clearly  of  opinion  tSiat  tbe  employment 
British  seamen,   in  the  merchants  service  of  tlie  United 
tates,  is  a«  little  reconcilable  wltb'tbe  permanent,  as  tlie  pre* 
lent  intertst  of  the  UnitedStatcs.    The  encouragement  of  fe- 
ign sedlnen  is  the  discotifagement  of  the  native  AmerieaD* 
The  duty  cif  government  towards  this  vdoable  cla^  of  men 
snot  only  to  protect,  but  to  patronise  them.    And  tbis  ewa* 
'  t  be  done  more  effectually  timn  by  scouring,  to  AmeHcan 
itizens  the  privileges  of  American  niivigation. 
The;^^aestlon  of  impressment,  like  every  other  question  re- 
live to  eommeree  has  been  treated,  in  such  a  manner,  that 
hat  was  possessed,  is  lost  witltont  obtaining  what  was  sought* 
retensions,  right  in  theory;?  and  important  in  interest,  urged, 
ithoutdue  consideration  of  our  relative  power,  have  eventu' 
ted.  in  w  practical  abandonment,  hoth  of  what  we  hoped  and 
hat  we  cnjoyM;    In  attenipting  to  spread  our  flag  over  fo> 


B 


^gnersy  its  distinctive  character  hai  been  lost  to'osrown  ei- 
tisens. 

The  Amerioan  B«aman,  nrhese  interest  it  is  to  ha?c  ne 
eompetitorSji  in  his  emplovment,  is  'sacrificed  that  British 
seanien  may  have  equal  pri  ileges  with  himself. 

Ever  eince  the  United  States  have  been  a  nation,  this  sub* 
ject  has  been  a  matter  of  complaint  and  negotiation;  and  e- 
very  former  administration  have  treated  it,  accordingto  its 
obvious  nature*  as  a  subject  rather  fur  arrangement  than  lor 
war.  It  existed  in  ,t!ie  time  of  Washington,  yet  this  father 
of  his  country  recommended  no  such  resort  It  existed 
in  the  time  of  Adams,  yet,  notwithstanding  the  zeal,  in 
anppoK  of  bur  maritime  rights,  which  distinguished  his  afk 
ininistration,  war  was  never  suggemted  by  kirn,  us  the  re- 
medy. Duj'ing  the  eight  years  Mr.  Jetfcison  stood  at  tlM; 
helm  of  affair .  it  slili  continued  a  subject  of  controversy  and  vre  hav 
iiegutiation :  but  it  was  never  mtide  a  cautie  i\)rwar.  It  was  toreno 
reserved  for  the  present  administrntion  to  press  this  topie  to  vor  of  o 
the  extreme  and  most  dreadi'al  resort  of  nations:  although 
England  has  officiuiiy  disavowed  the  right  of  impressment,  as 
it  respects  native  citizens,  and  nn  arrangement  might  well  be 


u 


It 

for  an 
(his   to 


made,  consistent  with  the  fair  pretensions  of  such  as  are  natii-lKing*B 


a1  state  of4lii»  question  may  be  understood,  tho 


ralized. 

Thattl 
pgrfHUl^uul^iwur  to  the  foIl^wJilg  fatjIiMis  supported  byofJ 
ifteitti  ctoeumen^s.  Mr.  Ring,  when  mmistetr  Ht  Jtiigliidy  dth' 
tained  a  disavowal  of  the  British  government  of  the  right  to  _ 
impress  "  American  seamenV  naturalized  as  well  as  hat]lve,lprcssing 
on  the  high  seas.  An  arrangement  had  advanced,  nearly  tolthe  part 
a  e  nelusion,  upon  this  basis,  and  was  broken  off  only,  be^CBritishi 
eause  Great  Britain  insisted  to  retain  the  right  on  **  the  nar»p»f  Amei 
row  seas."  What,  however,  was  the  opinion  of  tl»e  Ameri> 
can  minister,  on  the  probability  of  an  arrungenittutl  appears 
fi*oni  the  publie  documents,  communicated  to  congress,  in  thej 
session  of  1808,  as  stated  by  Mr.  Madison,  in  these  words,: 
«  at  the  moment  the  articles  m'ci'o  expected  to  be  signeiVi 
«  an  exception  of  <<  the  narrow  seas"  was  urged  and  insist- 
«  ed  on  by  Lord  St.  Vincents,  and  being  utterly  inadmissible 
•<  on  our  part,  the  ncgociation  was  abandoned.". .   > 

Mr.  King  seems  to  be  of- opinion,  however,  «  tlkat,  with 
**  more  time  than  was  lelt  him  fur  the  exiieriment,  Jhe  ohjec* 
«  tion  might  have  been  overcome,"  What  time  v«|^pfeft  Mr, 
King  for  the  expertaient,  or  whether  any  was  evert  made  ha 
not  been  disclosed  to  the  public.  Mr.  King,  sooii1|tfter  re 
turned  to  Jtiaerica :  It  is  manirett  fronfc  Mr.  KingV  •xpre 


law,  n 
rant  ce 
foum 

onroe 
806.  1 
n  the  p 

inister 
llngland 
hat  an 
laee,  ' 
ourt  of 
he  pres 

ngland 

dersii 


11 


I  to  have  n«  i 
that  British  I 

ion,  thU  sttb- 
ktion ;  and  e- 
sor<1inj;.tt>  its 
ent  thtn  lor 


«}on  that  he  VAi  limited  in  point  of  tirae»  and  it  is  equally  cleav 
that  his  opinioa  was  that  an'  adjustment  could  talie  place. 
That  Mr.  Madison  was  also  of  tlie  same  opinion  is  demonstrat* 
ed^  by  his  letters  to  Messrs.  Monroe  and  IMnkney»  dated  tli« 
Sd  of  February,  1807,  in  which  he  uses  these  expressions. 
«  I  talle  it  for  granted  that  you  iiave  not'  failed  to  make  due 
«<  use  of  the  arrangement  concerted  by  Mr.  King  with  Lord 
•<  Bawksburyt  in  the  year  1802*  for  settling  the  question  of 
**  impressment.  On  that  oecanon  and  under  that  administra' 
{t  this  father  S«<  ffoit  the  Briiinii  principle  teas  fairly  renounced  in  faror  of 


It  existed 
tiie  zealf  in 
ished  his  ad^ 
,  us  the  re- 
stood  atilie 
[ili'oversy  and 


this  topie  to 
ns :  although 
[iressment,  as 
might  wall  be 
U  as  are  natH- 

derstood,  the 
ported  by  of- 

the  right  to 


•*  the  right  of  our  flag,  Lord  Hawlxubury  ha/oing  agreed  to 
»*  prohibit  impresaments  on  the  high  seas,**  and  Lord  St.  Vin- 
••  eents  requu'ing  nothing  more  than  an  exception  of  the  nar* 
M  row  seas,  an  exc*e|ition  resting  on  the  obsolete  claim  of  G. 
Britain  to  some  peculiar  dominion  over  them."  Here  then 
we  have  a  full  aeknowIiHlgment  that  G.  Britain  was  willing 


war.     It  was    to  renounce  the  right  of  impressment^  on  the  high  seas,  in  fa- 
vor of  our  flag  ; — that  she  was  anxious  to  arrange  the  subject. 
It   further  appears    that   the'   British   ministry    called 
for   an  interview  with  Messrs.   Monroe   and  Pinkney,v^ii 
this   topic  ;  that  they    stated  the  nature  of  the  claim,   the 
[King's   prerogative ;  that  they  had  consulted  the  crown  of- 
{ficers  and  the  board  of  admiralty,  who  all  concurred  in  senti- 
ent, that  r.nder  flie  circuni stances  of  the  natio%K  the   relin- 
uisiiment  of  the  right  was  a  measui<'e,  which   tlM  goVlvn- 
eot«inild  not  adopt,  without  taking  on  itself  a  responsibllf* 
which  no  ministry   would  be  willing  to  meet;  howevcp 
11  as  lifit)ve,lprcssing  the  exigency  might  he.    They  offered,  however,  on 
d*  nearly  to|.the  part  of  Great  Britain,  to  pass  laws  making  it  penal  for 
~  ritish  eommi^aders  to  impress  Amovican  citizens,  on  board 
f  American  vessels,  on  the  high  seas,  if  America  would  pass 
law,  n|kking  it  penal  for  the  officers  of  the  United  States  to 
rant  eeJ^Hcates  of  citizenship  to  British  subjects.    This  will 
I  found/  in  the  same  documeuts,  in  a  letter  from  Messrs. 
onroe  and  Piakney  to  Mr.  Madison,  dated  11th  November, 
806.    Under  their  peremptory  instructions,  this  proposition, 
n  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  could  not  be  acceded  to  by  our 
inisters.    Such,  however,  was  the  temper  and  anxiety  of 
i^ngland,  and  such  the  candor  and  good  sense  of  our  ministers, 
hat  an  honorable  and  advantageous  arrangement  did  take 
lace.    The  authority  of  Mr.  Monroe,  then  Minister  at  the 
ourt  of  Great  Britain,  now  Seorctary  of  State,  and  one  of 
he  present  administration,  who  have  reoommended  war  with 
ngland,  and  assigned  impressments  as  a  oause,  supports  th« 
d0rsign«d  in  assertiog,  that  it  was  honorabU  and  advanta* 


[off  only,  be** 

»n  **  the  mi> 

the  Ameri 

int$  appears, 

;ress,  in  thej 

|hes«  words,: 

be  8igne<V' 

II  andinsist- 

Inadmissiblf 

tliat,  with] 
le  objec- 

Iri  made  has! 
1  Vfter  re- 
(*if  •xpreg-i 


■':;'r 


I  '■ 


12 

S«oiM  .t  for  in  a-  I^i^er  fi*om  Riohmonil  dated  the  -28(h  of  Fe< 
ruary,  1808*  to  Mr.  Madison,  the  following  expressions  are 
used  bj  Mr.  Monroe*  **  t  have  on  the  contrary  always  believ- 
**  ed  and  still  do  believe  that  the  ground  on  which  that  inter- 
«  est  (impressment)  was  placed  hj  the  paper  of  tlie  British 
«  Commiasioners  of  8th  November,  1806,  and  the  explana- 
**  tlon  which  aceompanied  it,  toas  both  honorable  and  advati' 
**  ta^eoua  to  ihe  United  S^tatea,  that  it  contained  a  concession 
<<  in  their  favor  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  on  the  great 
<'  principle  in  contestation)  never  before  made  by  a  formal 
M  and  obligatory  act  of  their  goverhmentt  which  was  highly 
«<  favorable  to  their  interest." 

"With  Uie  opinion  of  Mr.  King  so  decidedly  expressed*  wUh 
(he  cifllefal  admission  of  Mr.  Madison*  with  the  explicit  de> 
olaration  of  Mr.  Monroe*  all  concurring  that  Great  Britain 
was  ready,  to  abandon  impressment  on  the  high  seas,  and  with 
an  honorable  and  advantageous  arrangement,  actually  mado 
by  Mr  Monroe*  bow  can  it  be  protended*  that  all  hope  of  set- 
tlement* by  treaty*  has  failed  j  how, can  this  sulyect  furnish  a 
proper  cause  of  war?  . 

"With  respect  to  the  subjeet  of  blockades ;  thcuprinciple  of  the 
law  of  nations*  as  asserted  by  the  U.  States*  is*  that  a  block* 
ade  can  only  be  Justified  when  supported^  by  an  adequate  force. 
In  theory  th|s  prim^iple  is  admitted  by  Great  Britain.  It  is 
allodgied,  Uyfi^^Vt  that  in  prat^cf*  8h|^^sregards  that  pi^in- 

Thp  order  of  blockade*  which  has  been  made  a  apecifie 
ground  of  complaint*  by  France*  is  that  of  the  16th  of  May 
1806.  Yet*  strange  as  it  may  seem*  this  order*  which  is,  now* 
made  one  ground  of  war  between  the  two  countries  was*  at  the 
time  of  its  first  issuing,  viewed  as  an  aet  of  fovo^  and  concilia- 
tion.' On  this  subject  it  is  necessary  to  be  explicit,  l^e  vague 
and  indeterminate  manner,  in  which*  the  American  aii|French 
governments*  in  their  official  papers,  speak  of  this  6i*der  of 
blookndo,  is  calculated  to  mislead.  Aii  importance  is  at- 
tached to  it*  of  which*  in  theopiaion  of  tkb  undorsigited,  it 
I9  not  worthy.    Lot  tfic  facts  speak  for  themselves. 

In  Aug.  1S04<,  the  British  established  a  blockade  at  le  en* 
trance  of  the  French  ports*  naming  them*  from  Fecamp  to  Os- 
tend;  and  from  titcir  proximity  to  the  British  coasts,  and  the  ah- 
•enco  of  all  complaint,  we  maybe  permitted  to  believe  tl^at  it 
was  a  legal  blockade,  entbroed  aocordingtotiie  usages  of  na- 
tions. On  thclflth  of  May,  1806,  the  Knglish  Secretary  of 
State,  Mr.  Fox  notified,  to  our  Minister*  at  London*  that  his 
|»veirnoicnt  bad  tUQU^^ht  fit  to  din^ect  neccssury  mcusurci>  tu  bo 


aec 


13 


28th  «fFe- 
tressions  nre 
Iwaysbelicv- 
I  that  intei*" 
r  the  British 
the  explBna< 
i  and  ttfiran- 
a  conceBiioQ 
oil  the  great 
by  a  formal 
li  was  highlj 

iro8sed»  with 
explicit  fie- 
rreat  Britain 
eas,  and  ivtth 
Btually  made 
Ihopeof'seto 
ect  furaish  a 

incipleoftha 
hat  a  blocle* 
equate  force, 
ii'itain.  It  is 
lis  that  p);in- 


taken  fbr  the  blockade  of  the  f^oastsi  n vera  and  ports;  from  t]ie 
river  Elbe  to  the  river  Brest,  both  ini^hisive.<^ 

In  point  of  fuct^  as  the  terms  used  in  the  order;  will  shoir 
this  paper,  vrbieh  has  beoome,  a  substantive  and  avnwlttd 
cause  for  non-intereourse,  embargo  and  wor,  is  a  blockade, 
oiily  of  the  plaoes>  on  the  Fronoh  coast,  from  Ostend  to  the 
Seinot  and  even  as  to  these  it  is,  merely,  as  it  pror^sHes  to  be, 
a  continuance  of  a  former  and  existing  bloekadt*.  For  with  i<c. 
speot  to  the  residue  of  tlie  eoast,  trade  of  neutrals  is  admit- 
ted, with  tlie  exception  only,  of  enemy's  property  and  attielet 
contraband  of  ^ar,  which  are  liable  lobe  taken,  withoutablock- 
nde ;  and  except  tlie  direct  colonial  trade  of  the  en^my,  which 
Great  Britikin  denied  to  be  free  by  the  law  of  nations.  Why 
the  ortler  was  thus  extended^  i^  itsfuriii,  whi!cin  effect  it  ad- 
ded nothing  toorden^  ftnd  iv.gulutions,  already  existing,  will  be 
known  by  adverting  to  papers,  which  are  b«1bi-e  the  world,  la 
1806,1  France,  had  yet  eolonies  and  the  wound  inflicted  on  our 
feelings,  by  the  interference  of  the  British  government  in  oar 
trade,  with  those  eolonies,  had  been  the  cause  of  remortstranco 
and  negotiation.  '^At  the  moment  when  ilie  order  of  May  1806, 
was  made,  Mr.  Monroe,  tlte  present  Secretary  of  State,  then 
Our  minister  plenipotentiai'y  ut  the  Court  of  Great  Britain,  was 
in  treaty  on  the  subject  of  the  carrying  trade,  and  Judging  on 
the  spot,  and  at  the  time,  he,  ttnhfsitatingly,  gave  hisopinion, 
that  the  order  wtujnude  to  favor  Aneriean  vfews  ani^  inter- 
ests. Xbi*  ^«tt  »  unequivocally  expressed,  in  Mr.  MoA»o('*s 
letters  to  Mr.  Madison  of  the  17th,  and  ^Othf  of  Mftjt|and  of 
the  9th  of  June,  1806.  v 

•The  terms  of  the  order  are  these,  "That  the  said  coast,  rivers 
*<  and  ports  must  be  considered  as  blockaded,"  but, "  that  such  block- 
"ade  $hall  not  extend  to  prevent  neutr»l  tthips  and  vessels,  luden 
**  with^oods,  not  beir,^  the  property  of  his  majesty's  enemies,  and 
"not  being  contruband  of  war  from  approaching  tlie  said  coasts  uiul 
"  enterinj^  into  and  satiing  from  tlje  said  rivers  and  ports  sav  and 
"  excefit  the  coast,  rivers  and  ports  from  Ottend  to  the  river  Scijic, 
"already  in  a  state  oT  strict  and  rigorous  blockade  ;  and  which  arc  to. 
"  bo  considered  as  HO  continued,"  with  a  proviso  that  the  vessels 
"enterins?  had  not  been  laden  at  a  port  belonfring  to,  or  in  pos> 
"  session  of,  the  enemies  of  Great  Britain,  snd  the  vessels  departing 
"  were  not  destined  to  an  oncmy  port,or  had  previously  broken  block- 
«  ade." 

t  The  followinn^  are  extracts  from  these  loiters.  In  that  of  the 
17th,  May  1806  ;  he  thus  speaks  of  that  blockade.  It  is  '^  couched 
"  in  torms  of  restraint  and  professes  to  extend  the  blockade  further* 
**  than  was,  heretofore  done,  neverthdeat  it  fokea  it  from  tnanufiorfs, 
<*  alreadj/i  Hockadcdf  indeed,  from  all  East  of  Osttnd,  and  West  of 


14 


I ' 


And  as  late  as  October.  ±Hi,  theenine  CrentlenJAti)  vrltinf 
as^Secretary  of  State  to  the  British  oiinistcr,  tpealcinj^  of  the 

*8ame  onler  of  blockade  of  Majf  1808,  says,  '<  it  strictly  was 
•*  little  more  than  a  blockade  of  the  coast  from  Seine  to  Ostend."^ 
«  The  object  was  to  afford  to  the  United  States  an  acoofn« 
<<  raodation  respecting  the  colwnial  trade.*' 

It  appi^ars,  then«  that  this  ortler,  was^  ia  point  of  fact* 
mdde  to  favor  our  trade  and  was  so  understood  and  admitted 
Ii7  the  government  of  this  country,  at  that  time  and  since; 
that,  instead  of  extending  prior  blockades  it  lessened  them ; 
that  tlie  eountry  front  Seine  .  to  Brest,  and  from  Ostend  to 
Sibe  was  inserted  to  open  them  to  our  colonial' trade  and  for 
onraccofhnVodaAion,  and  that  it  was    nev«ir  made  the  subject 

.  of  eompMint,  by  tlie  American  government,'  during  its  practi- 
cal continaanee  :  that  is,  not  until  the  first  order  in  council ; 
and  indeed  iiot  until  after  the  1st  of  May  1810  ;  and  until  af« 
terthe  American  goTernineTit  \ya8  apprized  of  the  ground, 
whioh  it  was  the  will  of  France  should  be  taken  upon  thesub- 
j»et  , 

Of  this  we  have  the  most  decisive  proof,  in  the  offers,  mada 
nnder  the  administration  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  for  the  discontiiiu* 
ance  of  the  Embargo  as  it  related  to  Great  Britain  ;  none  of 
which  required  the  repeal  of  the  blockade  of  May  1806  ;  and 
also  in  the  arrangement  made  during  tlie  administnation  of  Mr.  < 
Madison,  andllMer  his  «^  i^lth  Mr.  Ersk^c.  The  non-in. 
terooiii^  Act  of  March  1809,  and  the  a#  ^o^eeming  com- 
^  mercila]  intercourse"  of  May  1810,  veit  the  President  of 
the  United  States  with  the  very  same  power,  in  the  very  same 
terms.  Both  authorise  him  «« in  case  either  Great  Britain  or 
•(  Franee  shall  so  revoke  or  modify  her  edicts,  ai  that  they 
^  shall  cease  to  vielate  the  neutral  eommeroe  of  the  United 
^  States"  to  declare  the  same  by  proclamation.  And  by  the 
provisions  of  one  law  in  sueh  case;  non-interoonrse  was  to 

« the  Seine,  e^tcept  in  articles  contraband  of  war  ahd  etiemies  pro- 
**  perty,  which  &re  seizable  without  blockade.  Ai^d  In  like  form  of 
"exception,  considering  every  enemy  as  one  poiver,  it  admits  the 
**  trade  of  neutrals,  witiiin  the  same  limits,  to  be  free  ip  the  produc- 
"tions  of  enemies  colonies,  in  every,  but  the  diroct  route  between 
"thecolonv  and  the  pafcnt  country."  Mr.  Monroe  adds,,*"  It  can- 
*•  not  be  doubted  that  the  note  was  drawn  b^  the  jjovernmcnt,  in  re- 
"  ference  to  the  question,  and  if  intended  as  the  foundation  of  atrea- 
*  ty  must  be  viewed  in  a  favorable  lijjht."  On  the  20th  of  May,  Mr. 
Monroe,  wjitcs  to  Mr.  Madison,  that  he  had  been  "  strengthened  in 
•*  the  opinion  thot  the  order  of  the  16th  was  drawn  with  a  View  to 
"the  question  of  our  trade  ^[(h  enemic  ♦rolonies,  and  that  it  promii> 
''86S  to  be  Itighly  satisfactory  to  our  commercial  interests." 


•eat 
que 
£rt 
ofJ 
plia, 
edic 


^5 


ian,  writing 
ftkin^  of  the 
strictly  wag 
^toOstend.'*^ 
•  an  acoofn* 

« 

int  of  fact, 
m\  admittcNl 

and  since; 
ined  them; 
I  Ostend  to 
ftde  and  for 

the  Miihlect 
2:  its  practi- 

in  couHsil ; 
nd  until  af. 
he  ground, 
pon  the  sub- 

»ffers,  made 
idiseonfiiiu. 
in ;  none  of 
1806  ;  and 
ition  of  Mr.  n 
.^he  non-in- 
vnjog  eom- 
pcsioent  of 
(  very  same 
Britain  of 
that  the  J 
the  United 
ind  by  the 
irse  was  to 

temiei  pro- 
ike  form  of 
admits  the 
the  produc- 
te  between 
!»/  "  It  can- 
mcnt,  in  re- 
on  of  a  trea- 
)f  May,  Mr. 
iigthcnedin 
1  a  View  to 
It  it  promi« 

8." 


eease  ;  by  those  of  the  other  it  was  to  be  revived.  In  eenie- 
qtience  ofpawertefrtedt  by  the  first  act,  tl»e  arrangement  with 
Erskine  was  made  and  the  revocation  01  the  orders  in  eounbil 
of  January  and  November  1807,  was  considered  as  a  full  com- 
pliance, with  the  law  and  as  removing  all  the  anti  neutral 
edicts.  The  bfockade  of  May  1806,  was  not  included  in  the 
arrangement,  and  it  does  not  appear,  that  it  was  deemed  of 
■ufRcient  importance  to  engage  even  a  thought.  Tet  under 
the  act  ot  May,  1810,  which  vests  the  very  same  power>  ^ 
revocation  of  this  blockade  of  May,  1806,^  is  made  by  our 
oabiuet  a  «fne  qiianon ;  an  indispensible  requisite !  And  now* 
after  the  British  minister  ha«  directJy  avowed  that  this  order 
of  blockade  would  not  continue  after  a  revocation  of  the  or- 
ders in  oouneil,  without  a  due  application  of  an  adequate  fbroot 
the  existence  of  this  blockade,  is  insisted  upon,  as  a  justifiable 
cause  of  war,  notwillistanding,  that  our  government  admits  a 
blockade  is  leeal^  to  the  maintenance  of  whieh  an  adequate 
force  is  applied.    ' 

The  undersigned  are  aware,  that,  in  jiistiiication  of  this  new 
ground,  it  is  now  said  that  the  extension  on  paper,  for  what- 
ever purpose  intended*  favors  the  principle  uf  iiaper  block- 
ades. This  however,  can  hardly  be  urged,  since  the  British,* 
formally,  disavow  tihe  principle ;  and  since  they  aeknowledgo» 
tjie  very  doctrine  of  the  law  of  nations,  for  which  the  Ame- 
rican admioistraition  contend,  henceforth,  the  existence  of  a 
blockade  b^^eemeeH  qyestioiivof  fa6t :  it  must  depend  upon  the 
evidence  adduced,  in  support  of  the  adequacy  of  the|»oefcad> 
ine  force. 

From  the  preceding  statement  it  Is  apparent,  that  whate. 
ver  there  is  objectionable,  in  the  principle  of  the  order  of 
]^ftty  1806,  or  in  the  practice  under  it,  on  ground  merely  A- 
mericun,  it  cannot  be  set  up  as  asuflicient  cause  of  war ;  for 
tmtii  France,  pointed  it  out*  as  a  cause  of  controversy,  it  was 

♦  Mr.  Foster  in  hisjetter  of  the  3d  July  1811,  to  Mr.  Monroe  thus 
states  the  doctiiine,  maintuined  by  hit  government. 

"  Great  Britain  has  never  attempted  to  dispute  that,  In  theordi* 
*'  nary  course  of  the  law  of  nations,  no  blockade  can  be  justifiable  or 
*♦  valid,  unless  it  be  supptnicd  by  an  "  adcijuate  force  destined  to 
"  maiutaiH  it  and  to  expose  to  luizard  all  vessels  atteir.pling  to  e- 
**  vade  itn  operation. 

"Mr  Foster  in  his  letter  to  Mr.  Monroe  of  tlie  26th  Jul?,  181 ', 
«  also  says,  The  blockade  of  May  18i)6,  will  not  continue  after  iho 
««  repeal  of  the  orders  in  conncil  unless  his  Majesty's  govemmci;t 
«  shall  think  fit  to  sustain  it  by  the  special  apjjication  of  a  sufB- 
"  cicnt  naval  force,  and  the  fact  of  its  being  so  cwuiinucd,  or  i,ot, 
«  will  be  iwtificd  at  the  time." 


w^y 


' 


16 

my 

M  far  from  beinp;  regarded,  n«  a  liouree  of  any  new.  or  gi'ierous 
complaint,  that  it  was  actually  coDsidercd*  by  ourgovemmenty 
in*  A  favorabfe  iJgbt, 

The  British  Orders  in  .Council  ai;e  tbe  reihaiiuD^  sotipee  of 
diseonlvnt,  ai^d  :i\OAved  eanse  of  war.  These,  liave,  beretofonef, 
been  considered,  by  onr  i^oyerfiinent  in  eonnexion  vfth  the 
Freiieh  Ajc rces.  Certainiy*  ihe  British  (inters  in  Council  and 
French  decrees,  form  a  syrlem  subversive  of  neutral  rjglitii 
and  eonstitute Just  grounds  ol' complaint,  yet.  viewed^  relative* 
ly  to'ftie  coiidiiion  of  tliose  powers  towards  each  other,  and 
o|f  the  I7ni(ed  Slates  towards  both,  the  undersigned  cannot 
pl^HUade  themselves  that  the  Orders  in  Covoeil,  as  they  now 
exist  nhd  wiJji  tluir  present  elfcct  and  operation,  justify  tho 
•Weetion  of  Great  Britain  as  our  enemy;  ami  reader  ncccttsary;: 
a  if^cliiratiou  ol' nnquulillcd  wnr.  . 

Every  eonsidetfiition  of  moral  duty,  and  poiitiaal  expedi 
tiiee,  seenis  tn  eontur  iii  warning  t'lc  United  States,  not  to 
tniiigle  in  this  hopeless,  ami,  to  human  eye^  interminable  Eu> 
rdpeaja  eontest.  IS'either  Franco,  nor  England,  prdends  that 
their  aggressions  can  be  defeu^cd,  on  the  {ground  of  any  other 
liftlligerent  right,  than  that  of  particular  necessity. 

Both  attempt  to  justify  their  encrnachmeiit9>  on  the  general 
Kiw  of  nnthins,  by  the  plea  of  retaliation.  ]n  the  relative  po- 
sition, find  proportion  of  strength  of  the  United  States,  td 
either  belligen»r.t,  t!icre%^pjpeared  little  p^babiiity,  that  we 
could  «omp0l  the  one,  orthe  othei(  b|r  Iios'^e  Hfei-ations^  to 
ukfimlc^  this  plea.    :  *v  ; 

'Aiid  as  the  field  of  eommei^eial  eiiiterprise,  after  allpwin;; 
to  the  di^creesnnd  oi>ders,-their  full  practical  effect,  is  still 
rich  and  extensive, .  there  seemed,  us  little  wisdom  as  obliga-r 
tion  to  yidd,  solid  and  certnin  realities,  foi*  unattainable  pre* 
tf'Rsione.  The  light  of  rets^H»tion.  as  existing,  in  eilhtr  Ik'113- 
gereat,  it  was  impossible,  for  the  United  States,  coiiftistent 
tvith  either  its  duty,  or  inU'jrcst,  to  .admit.,  ,Yet  BnchAva|^  thd 
RfBteof  the  decrees,  aWrfjOi-iiefsof  the  respeciiTebellJRerentj|, 
in  relation  to  the  rights  of  neutrals,  tliat,  while,  on  the  one 
handf  it  formed,  no  jiistificniion  to  either,  so  on  the  other, 
eonciirrent  eiretimstances,  formed  a  complete  jilistification  to 
the  United  States,  in  nuiiutaining,  notwithstanding  these  en- 
eroaebments.provided  it  best  comported  with  theirinterests.that 
system  of  impartial  neutrality,  which  is  so  desirable  to  their 
'peace  and  prosperity.  For  if  it  should  be  admitted,  which 
no  eourse  of  argument  can  maintain,  that  the  Beilia. 
deoree,  which  ^^as  issued  on  the  2ist  of  November,  1SO0, 
ivas  justified,  by  the  antecedent  orders  of  the  British  admi- 
ralty, raspectin^;  the  colonial  tra<Ie»  and  by  the  order  of  blook- 


\ 

I'-a  xsn  ir|liM| 


>7 


Lde  vf  ttie  16t1i  of  May*  firecedinj^ryet,  on  tlih  aocoUQt*  theri 

iTfluIted  no  right  of  retaliation  to  Franee,  as  it  respectMl  the 

lUlfiited  States.    They  had  exppessH  no  acquiescence  either 

[in  the  British  interference  with  the  colonial  trade^  or  in  any 

leitensioil  of  the  principles  of  blockade.    Besides,  h|d  ther» 

[been  any  such  ne£;1cet»  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  ac 

Itrarranted  the  French  emperor  in  adoptinfj;  his  principle  of 

Btaliation*  yet  in  the  exercise  of  that  pretended  right,  ho 

>ast  the  bounds  of  both  public  law  and  decency;  and,  in  the 

■very  extravagance  of  that  exercise,   lost  the  advantage  oi 

Ivhatever  colour  the  British  had  afforded  to  his  pretences* 

fot  content  with  adopting  a  principle  of  retaliation,  in  tcrma 

imited,  and   appropriate,    to  the   injury  of  which  he  oo0i<t 

>lained,  he  declared,  *•  all  the  British  Islands,  in  a  state  of 

blockade ;  proliibited  all  commerce  and  correspondence  with 

U*  them,  all  trade  in  their  manufactures;  and  made  lawful  prize 

|«  of  all  merchandize,  belonging  to  Eng;1an,d,  or  coming  from 

|«  its  manufactories,  and  colonies.'*    The  violence  of  these' 

|encroachmcnts  was  equalled  only  by  the  insidioUsness  of  the 

[terms,  and  maiiner,  in  >hieh  they  were  promulgated.    The 

scope  of  the  expressions  of  the  Berlin  decree,  was  so  general 

jthat  it  embraced  within  its  sphere,  the  whole  comnierce  of 

meutrals  with   England.    T^  Decres,   Minister  of  the  Mt^ 

jrine  of  France,,  by  a  formal  note,  of  the  24>thDeeembcri  1806# 

issured  our  minister  Plenipotentiary,  that  the  imperial  deoreflu 

lef  the  21st  November,  1806,  **xca8  not  to  afftct  our  com* 

K«  merte,  which  would  aliUbe  goremed  fry  theruttaifftheirea*. 

<*  ff/,    e8tabli»hed  tetwetn    the   two  countries,*'     Notwith-* 

itanding  this  assurance,  however,  on  the  18th  September  fol- 

>wing,  Regnier  Griind  Minister  of  justice,  declared  « that 

th$  intentions  of  the  Emperor  were  that,  6y  virtue  of  thai 

decrn^  French  armed  vesselSf  might  seixs  in  neutral  vessdst 

either  English  property.  (>r  merehandiwe  proceeding fromthg 

>«  English  mau^faetoriet }  and  that  hs  had  reaertedt  for  fu» 

h  ture  decision   the  question  whether  they  might  not  posses^ 

(<  fhemaeVoes  of  neutral  vessels  going  to*  or  from  Englandf  aU 

though  they  had  no  English  manufactures  dn  board"    Pre* 

tensions,  so  obviously,  exceeding  any  measure  of  retaliation 

jthat,  if  the  precedent  acts,  of  the  British  government,    had 

»rded  to  such  a  resort,  any  colour  of  right,  it  was  lost 

In  the  violence,  and  extinvagance  of  these  assumed  prinfi- 

lec. 

To  the  Berlin  decrees  .«aeeeeded  the  British  oi^Iers  incoun^ 
iilf  if  the  7th  of  Januat^v  1807,  which  were  mer^d  in  the 
Mtlers  of  the  11th  of  November  following,  fhese  declared 
^*  all  pertsi  and  places  helongin|;  to  Franco,  and  its  allict^ 


1^ 


m 


18 

«<  fromtrbioh  tbe  l|ritish  Aat;  was  exclurled^  lill.  In  tlie  eol«* 
*  lonies  of  his  Britannic  majesty's  eneniirs,  in  a  state  of  likck* 
M  ade;-^roliibiting  all  trade,  in  the  produce  and  manuliMi. 
*'tt]r«s,  of  the  saidconntries  ornolonies;  and  making  all  vesseiVf 
*'  trading  to  or  from  tkem.  and  all  merchtindisr,  on  l>oard  tub* 
Inject  to  capture  and  condemnation,  with  an  exception*  onlj 
**  in  favour  of  the  dii^ct  trade,  bctw«en  neutral  countriea  ami 
^  tbe  eolonies  of  hia  majesties  enemies.'* 

These  extravagant  pretensions,  on  tho  part  of  Great  Bri. 
tehi,'  were,  imm^iately  succeeded  by  others,  stfll  more  ex- 
travasant,  on  the  part  of  France.  vTidiout  waiting  for  any 
knowledge  of  tbe  .course,  the  American  government  wotti4  j 
take,  in  relation  to  the  British  ortlers  in  council,  the  French 
Smperor  issued*  on  the  17th  of  December  following,  his  Milan 
deci'ee,  by  which  <«every  ship  of  whatever  nation,  SYlm^tn shall 
^  bare  submitted  to'search,  hj  an  English  ship*  or  to  a  voj- 
f*  age  to  Englatid,  or  {inid  any  taxtor  that  government,  are de- 
**  elared  denatioHdttzedi  andMawful  prisse. 

**  The  ttritlsh  Islands  are  declared  in  a  state  of  blockade, 
**  by  sea  and  land,  and  every  ship  of  whatever  nation,  or  what- 
*<  soever  the  nature  of  its  cargo  may  be,  that  sails  from  Eng- 
"''land,  ortbosoof  the  English  colonies,  or  of  countries  oecu* 
*•  pied  by  English  troops,  •and  proceeding  to  England,  or  to 
'^'fbe  English  colonies,  or  to  countries  occupied  by  the  English, 
••  to  be  good  prize.*'  The  nature  and  extent  of  these  injuries 
thns  aeenihttlated  by  nintualciroi*ts  of  both  belligerents,  seein»  | 
•4  id  t<a'cb  tlie  American  statesman  this  important  lesson  $ 
ttot  to  attaeb  the  cause  of  his  country  to  one*  or  the  other ;  but 
by  systematic  and  solid  provisionlt,  for  sea-coast  and  maritima 
defbnce,  to  place  its  interests,  as  fai*  a»  its  situation*  and 
resources  permit^  beyond  the  reach  of  the  rapacity,  or  ambi- 
tion of  any  European  power.  Happy  would  it  have  b(*en  for 
onr  country,  if  a  course  of  policy,  so«imp)eandobviow,ba4 
ticen  adopted ! 

Unfortunately  administration  had  reourse  to  a  system*  oo«H) 
plicated  in  its  nature,  and  destructive  in  its  eflTeetjs ;  which  in- 
stead of  relief,  from  tbjB  accumiilated  injuries  of  foreign  g»> 
'  vei^ments  served  only  to  fill  up,  what  was  wanting  in  the  mea- 
snre  of  evHs  abroad^  by  artificial  enibarrHtisnients  at  home. 
As  long  a^,  as  the  year  1794 ;  Mr.  Madison,  the  present  Pra* 
si^nt  of  tbe  United  Stales,  than  ^member  of  ^be  Ifouse  of 
Representatives,  ^eviseif  and  proposed  a  system  of  commercial 
restrictions,  which  ha«l  for  its  olfjeet  tbe  coareion  of  Great- 
Britain,  by  a  denial  to  her  of  our  products  and  our  market; 
asserting  that  tite  farmer  was.  in  a  manner  essential  to  her  I 
prosperity,  either  as  necessaries  of  life,  or  as  raw  materialt ' 


t\*«iiw**»*«'«*-«»*"'"«*"^'-  ■■ 


^9 


libr  lier  manuractureg ;  .and,  that  vltbout  tfte  latter*  •  $^9^ 
i<oportion  of  her  labourinj^  claii8^8»  could  not  subsist. 
In  that  day  of  sage  and  virtndus  foreUioiigbt)  the  proposl? 

was  rejected.  It  reuiaiiied»  however,  a  theme  of  unveat^  ^ 
i|f  panegyric  among  an  aeti^e  class  of  Aaiericaa  pqlitit^ian^y 
i^Jio  with  a  systematic  pertinaclt;);  inculcated  among  the  peo* 
^1e»  that  commercial  rostrietions  were  a  speeies  of  warfare* 
fhichr  would  ensure  success  to  the  United  States,  and  humiliai^ 
ion  to  Great  Britain. 

There  were  two  oircumstances,  inherent  in  this  system  of  eo* 
iroing- Great  Britain  by  commercial  restrieiioos«  which  oughts 
have  made  practical  politicians,  Tery.donbtful  of  its  resultj^ 
~  Tery  cautious  of  its  trial*  These  were  the  state  jofppi^. 
m  in  relation  to  its  effieney  tfm;<mg  cpoimercial  mei|«  iu  tl|% 
foitetf  States ;  and  the  statis  of  feeling,  which  a  resort  to  H 
rould  unavoidably  produce,  in  Great  Britain.  On  the  one  hand^ 
It  was  undeniable  that  the  great  body  of  ooinmerciat  men,  ia,  > 
me  United  States,  had  bo  belief  in  such  a  depeiidance  of  Great. 
IriCain,  upon  the  United  States,  either  for  our  pooduce*  or 
mr  market,  as  the  system  implied.  , 

Withoujt  the  hearty  co-operarion  of  tliis  class  of  men,  suflh,. 
tess  in  its  attempt  was  obviously  unattainable.  And  as  o^ 
khem  the  chief  sufiering  would  fall,  it  was  altogether  unrea*. 
lonable  to  expect  that  they  would  become  oo-operatiag  instru* 
jiients  in  support  of  any  system,  which  was  ruin  to  them,  and 
ritliout  hope  to  their  country.  On  the  other  hand,  a$ii  i^ 
leetS'Great'Britain,  a  system  proceeding  upo^n  the  avo||<94| 
rineiple  of  her  dependance  upon  us  was  among  the  last,  t<» 
riiich  a  proud  and  powerful  nation  would  yield.  ' 
XotwithstandingthcNf  obviouseonsideratioBs,  in  April  iSOjOl* 
MaiKson,  being  then  Secretary  of  State,  a  law  p^s|ie4 
[ongress,  prohibiting  tlie  importation  of  certain  specified  man 
ifaotures  of  Great  Britain,  and  her  dependei^cies  on  the  ba* 
1%  of  Mr.  Madison's  oi'iginal  propoidtioh.  Thus  the  tjnlt|^ 
lates  entered  on  the  system  of  commoreial  hostility  against 
^r«at  Britain* 

Thp  decree  of  Berlin  was  issuied  In  the  ensuing  Xovcmber* 
L806.)  The  treaty,  whichhad  been  signed  at  London,  in  Do- 
jmber,  1806,  having  been  rejected  by  Mr.  Jefferson^  without 
sing  presented  to  the  Senate  for  ratification,  and  tlie  non-im- 
tation  act  not  being  repealed,  but  ouly  suspeOdedf,  Great 
Iritaiu  issued  her  orders  m  council,  ou  the  11th  N6v6mber» 
107. 

On  (he  21ts  of  tbe  same  month,  of  Nov.  Champagny,  Freiich 
linister  of  foreigh  affWivs,  wrote  to  Mr.  Armstrong  the  Ame« 
lean  Minister*  iu  the  words  foliowiug.  «  All  the  difilttttltiesi 


so 

«<  vMell  hmrc  f^iven  rise  t«  jour  re«1aiiMitiMifl>  VSr,  would 
f*  be  removed  with  e«se,  if  the  |^?emfnent  of  the  United 
•f  StAletfr  aft^r  fOmplaiaing  in  vain  of  thp  in|uati«e  and  vio- 
'•  hitlon*  of  Enriand,  took,  with  the  whole  eoatinent*  the  part 
*<  of  guaranteeing  it  therefrom." 

On  the  17th  of  the  ensuing  Deeember,  the  Milan  deerees 
was  issued  on  the  part  of  Franoe»and  fivedaysafterwardstbr  em. 
bargo  Wat  passed  on  the  part  of  the  United  States.    Thus 
iras  eoin  pleated,  btr  acts  nearly  eotemporaoeous,  the  oireleof  | 
^mmereia!  hostilities. 

After  an  ineffeetual  trial  of  four  years  toeontroul  the  poliey 
of  the  two  tieDigerents  bj  this  system,  it  was  on  the  part-  of  j 
the  United  States,,  for  a  time,  relinquished.    The^aet  of sillio  { 
istof  May,  IS^IO,  gave  the  antliority,  however  to*  the  Pivai* 
dent  of  th0  United  States  to  reviv«  it  against  Great  Britain)  | 
|n  easeFranee  revolted  her  deerees.    Suoh  revoeatiotf,  on  the  | 
parto/Franee  wasdeolared,  by  the  Presidenl'sprof^kimatiomm 
the  ^  November,  181Q,  and,  in  eonsequence  non^intercourse 
^as  fevived  by  our  administration,  against  Great  Britain. 

At  all  times,  the  undersigned  have  looked*  with  mueh  ai^ci- 1 
kty  fi^r  the  evidence  of  this  revoeatiott.    They  wished  not  to ; 
<|ue8tion,  wliat,  in  various  forms,  has  been  so  ofWn  asserted ' 
|>y  the  administration  and  its  agents;  by  their  directions.    But 
liSllther  as  public   pien,   nor  as  citizens,  can  they  eonsent; 
that  the  peace  and  prosjierity  of  the  country  should  be  sacri- 
Heeft,  in  maintenance  of  a  position,  which  on  no  principle  of  i 
fSyfdence  they  deem  tenable.    They  cannot  falsify,  or  .eoneeal  I 
their  etfnvietion,  thatibe  French  deerees  neither  liave  been, 
por  are  revoked. 

Without  pretendiilg  to  occupy  the  whole  field  of  argumeiit, 
Which  the  question  of  revocation  has  opened^  a  eoneisf  ttat«»  ^ 
mentiseems  iMMiparable  &om  the  occasion. 

The  oohdition,  on  which  the  non- intercourse,  according  tej 
•the  act  of  1st  May  i8i(H  might  be  revived  against  Great  Bri< 
tain,  was,  an  the  partof  France^  an  ^aitutdreooeiUiau  o^  A<r| 
ieenn,    ^at  tlie  Presideatof  the  lloited  States  was  lM»aaii<to i 
require  from  the  French  Government  was*  the  evidence  o^^ 
tmch  eflTectual  revocation.    Upon  this  point  both  the  right  of  | 
the  United  States  and  the  duty  oftbe  President  seem  tobercsolv- 
aUe  into  very  distinct  and  undeniable  principles.  The  oliject  to ; 
he  obtained,  for  the  United  States  from  France  wns  tmej^etU'] 
dl  nnrpcafto.fl  of  the  decrees.    A  revocation  to  be  effeetuali  j 
must,  include,  in  theiiatare  of  things^  thisessential  requisite;., 
the  wn>n§^  done  to  the  neutral  commerce  of  the  United  States, 
by  the  operation  of  the  decrees,  must  be  stopped.    Nothing  | 
suori  of  litis  eoui4  be  ati  e^eoti^ai  mvQoatioo, 


-21 

WUIiont  ivftrenee  toi  the  other  wtMif^  Ntaltkjis  9\r0m4h&9§ 
det^ree»  to  the  eommeree  of  the  United  Stfttea ;  it  wUI  h^  tttf* 
fioient  to  state  the  prominent  wrong  done  by  the  Sd,  nttiele  of 
the  Milan  deviiri*.*  The  nature  of  this  wron|;  eeeewtinll/ omi^ 
sisted  t»  the  authority  gtven^  to  French  «hipt«  of  imr  aad  pri* 
Tttteers  to  make  prize,  at  sea,  of  every  neutral,  tessel*  Milinn 
to*  or  from*  any  of  the  English  possessions.  The  authority  to 
eapture  was  the  very  essence  of  the  wrong.  It  follows  di^re- 
fore,  that  oil  jfeetunl  revocation  required  that  the  nvth&ntf  ta 
capture shoulahe  annulled.  Granting  therefore* for  the  sak* 
of  at^inent,  (what  from  its  terms  and  its  nature  wjit  eertain* 
ly  not  the  oiase)  that  the  noted  letter  of  the  Duke  of  Cadoro 
•f  tite  6th  of  August  i810«  held  forth  a  revocation*  goodiA 
point  of  form*  and  uneondttional,  yet  ilwa*  not  that  effe^uid 
rtooeation,  for  which  the  act  of  1st  May  1810*  alone  author* 
ised  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  issuehis  proelama- 
Uoni  unUsa  in  eoHsequenee  of  that  letUr,  the  aulhorU^  to  e9p» 
tare  was  annulled.  The  letter  itself  is  no  annulment  of  thfi 
authority  to  capture,  and  it  is  notorious^  that  no  evidence  of 
the  annulment  of  this  authority  to  capture*  ever  has  been,  ad- 
duced. It  has  not  even*  been*  pretended.  Oh  the  con- 
trary there  is  decisive,  and  almost  daily,  evidence  of  theeoati'; 
ttued  existence  of  tliis  authority  to-  capture. 

The  charge- of  executing  the  decrees  of  Berlin  and  Milan 
was*  so  far  as  coneerfied  his  department,  given  by  the  terihs 
of  those  decrees  to  the  French  minister  of  Marine.  Aecoi'dtnt* 
to  established  prineliiles  of  general  law,  the  imperial  act, 
%hich  gave  the  auth»rity  must.be  annulled  by  another^impe- 
rial  act,  equally  formal  and  solemn  ;  or*  at  least,  the  auMior- 
ity  to.jeapture  must  be  countermanded  by  some -orders  or  in- 
I,  from  the  minister  of  marine.  Nothing  short  of  this 
eould  annul  the  authority  according  to  the  rule  of  the  sea  ser- 
vice. Was  such  annulling  act  ever  issued  by  the  French  Em- 
peror  7  Were  any  such  eounterroanding  orders,  or  instruct  ions, 
ever  given  fa|y  the  French  minister  of  marine  ?  In  exercisieg 
I  ii  trust,  eommitted  to  him»  by  the  legislature,  on  a  poiiU,  so 

*  T.his  article  is  in  these  words  t 

<<  Jrt.  HI.  The  British  islands  are  c^eclared  to  be  in  a  state  of. 
«  blockade,  both  by  land  and  sea;.  Every  ship  of  whatever  nation,, 
"or  whatsoever  the  nature  of  its  cargo  may  be,,  that  sails  from 
*•  the  ports  of  iEngland,  or  those  of  the  English  colonies  and  oftho 
«  countries  occupied  by  ttnglish  troops  aiid  proceeding  to  England, 
**  or  to  the  English  Colonies,  or  to  countries  occupied  l)y  English 
**  troops  is  good  and  lawful  prize,  as  contrary  to  the  present  decree 
^^wndtnoybe  cafiiured^  btj  our  nfiifit  ^fvtar  orcur  jirivuteert  aitii 
»*  adjudged  /«  tht  coptw** 


at 


iWMi 


M 


Ittteresting,  to  the  nentrnl  eomiheree  of  the  United  States*  and 
00^  imporCaiit  to  the  pence  of  the  riHtion*  whs  it  not  the  duty 
of  the  P^retident  to  have  the  evidence  of  nich  annulmentybq*    i 
fore  the  inning  of  any  proelaination  ?  Has  he  ever,  insisted  a^    I 
on  nueh  evidenee  ?     Was  it  of  no  uonaeqence  in  the  relativo    | 
«itaaiion  of  this  eountry*  as  to  foreign  powers,  that  the  regu* 
lar  evidence  should  be  received  by  oar  administration  and  niaile 
known?    Why  has  a  matter  of  evidenoe»  so  obviously,  proper* 
so  Btmide»  in  its  nature,  so  level  to  gejiei*al  apprehension  and 
so  imperiously  demanded,  by  the  clreumstances  of  the  case^ 
been  whelly  omilteil  ?    And  .why,  If  the  Berlin  and  Milan  da- 
erees  are  annulled,  as  is  pretended,  does  the  French  Erape.rop 
lirithhold  this  evidenee  pf  their  annulment?    WiiydoeK  }^^ 
uritfihold  it,  when  the  question  of  revocation  is  presented  undeir  - 
eireumstanees,  of  so  much  urgency? 

Not  only  has  it  never  been  pretended  that  any  such  irape-^ 
rial  aet  of  annulment  has  issued,  or  that,  any  such  orders,  ot 
instructions,  counter aiandin^^  the  authority  to  capture,  wero 
ever  giyeoy  but  there  is  decisive  evidence  of  the  reverse 
in  the  conduct  of  the  Fretiah  pu2)lio  armed  ships  and 
privateers.  At  all  times  since  Nov.  1810,  these  ships 
"V^ind  privateers  have  cuutinued  to  capture  our  vessels  and  pro- 
perty, on  the  high  seH«,  upon  tbeprinciplesof  the  Berlin  and 
Milan  decree's.  A  numerous  list  of  American  vessels,  thus 
J  taken,  since  <l:c  ls(  of  November  1810,  now  exists  in  the  of- 
fice' of  the  secretary  of  state :  and  among  the  captures  are  so- 
teral  vessels  with  their  cargoes,  lately,  taken  and  destroyed, 
at  sea,  without  the  formality  of  atrial,  by  thp  commander  of 
a  F{;ench  squadi'OHi^  at  this  monieat,  cruizing  against  our  com- 
meree,  under  orders,  given  by  the  minister  of  marine,  to  whom 
the  execution  of  the  decrees  was  committed  ;  and  tMse  too'r 
issued  in  January  lust.  In  the  Baltic  and  Mediterranean  seas, 
captures  by  Flinch  privateers  are  known  to  us,  by  official 
documents  to  have  b<>cn  made,  under  the  authority  of  these 
decrees.  How  tlien  are  they  revoketl  ?  How  have  they  eeasr^- 
ed  fo  violate  our  neiLtml  commerce  ?  ^#'i| 

Hud  any  repeal,  or  moditieatioii  of  those  decrees,  in  tnith 
taken  place,  it  must  have  been  coiiimunicaied  to  the  prise 
eourts,  and  would  have  been  evidetu'cdijy  .some  variation  either 
in  their  rales,  or,  in  the  principles  of  their  decision^.  In 
vain,  however,  will  this  natiun  seek  for  such  pi'ool'of  the  re- 
. vocation  of  the  decrees.  No  acquittal  has  ever  been  had,  in 
any  of  the  prj^e  courts,  upou  the  gvoinul  tliat  tiie  Berlin  raiid 
Milan  decrees  had  ceased,  eveu  as  it  reripectst  he  United  States. 
On  the  contrary  the  evidence  is  dctisive  tiiaC  tUey  ai'e  eoa- 
sidercd  by  tlic  French  courts  as  ojiiatin^.  - 


I  states,  and 
lot  tlie  duty 
ulmentYbc;* 
insisted  afi- 
:he  relativo 
it  the  regit' 
on  aad  aiatle 
Q«ly  proper, 
hension  and 
of  the  case^ 
id  Milan  da- 
;h  Empe.rop 
riiy'doeH  l^f* 
ientcd  undeir 

siieh  irape*^ 
)h  orders,  o« 
ipture,  wero 
the  reverse 
I  ships  and 
these  ships 
seUand  pro-  , 
B  Berlin  and 
vessels*  thus 
Is  in  the  of- 
tiires  are  so- 

destr<»y£d, 

mmander  of 

ist  our  eom- 

|ne,  to  whom 

td  tMse  too' 

mean  seas, 

by  official 
|it  J  of  these 

ibey  eeas- 

ss,  in  tr«t1i 
[o  the  prise 
ition  either 
•jsioni^.    In 
t'of  the  re- 
H>n  ha(i,  in 
Icrliii  rand 
lited  States. 
ij  ai-e  cun- 


Then  are  many  eapet  oerrohoralire  of  this  po«lHe%    It  It 
eiioegh  to  state,  only,  two,  which  apprur  in  the  official  report% 
Tlie  Americaii  ship  Julian  was  captured  by  a  French  priva- 
teer, on  the  '4th   Jtily  181 1»  and  ou  the  tenth  of  Septevnher 
isil,  ihe  vessel  and  cargo  were  eondemncd,  by  the  •ouneil 
of  prizes  at  Patii  among  other  ret'ons,  beeau»e»hewa*virittd^ 
hy^veralJ^nglishresath:    On  the  same  day  the  Ilereules.an  - 
Amcriean  ship  was  condemned  by  the  imperial  court  of  pid* 
ses»  alledging  "  that  it  was  impossible,  that  she  was  not  vlsit- 
jed,  by  the  enemy's  ships  of  war."  ,  So  familiar  to  tliem  wat- 
[the  existenee  of  the  decrees,  and  such  their  eagcmces  to  itive, 
f^m  effbet  against  our  commerce,  ^jj^t  they  feigned  a  vki.. 
tation  to  hate  taken  place,  gmd  that  notwithstanding,  the  ex- 
[press  declaration  of  the  captain  and  crew,  to  the  contrary.    |n 
jtddltion  to  which  evidence.  Mr.  Russeirs  letter  to  the  Seo- 
rotary  of  State,  dated  8th  May  ISll,  says  **  it  may  not  be 
I  "improper  to  remark  that  no  Anicr!crn  vessel  captured  since 
I"  the  1st  NoTember;  1810  has  yet  been  released.**  * 

Fr^m  thii^  it  is  apparent,  that  the  commanders  of  the  nation- 
il  vessels,  the  pinvateersmen,  and  the  judges  of  the  prize 
courts,  to  whieli  may  be  added  also  the  custom  house  oflftcers, 
l^ho,  as  the  instruments  of  carrying  into  elTect  the  decrees^ 
must  haTe  been  made  acquainted  with  the  repeal  had  it  exist-. 
Bd,  have  been  from  first  to  last,  ignorant  of  any  revocn- 
^ion;  and  uniformly  acted  upon  the  prineiple,of  their  existenee. 
if othei^  evidence  of  the  eo.ntiuuea  existence  of  thos^  deei^ea 
rere  requisite,  :the  aet^  of  the  French  government  aflbrd 
Dfch  as  is  full  and  explicit  Champagny,  Duke  of  Cadore^ 
linister  of  foreign  relations,  in  his  report  to  his  majesty  the 
!!mperofbnd  king,  dated  Paris  Sd.  December*  1810,  spe^og 
^f  the  decrees  of  Berlin  and  Milan,  says  exptvssly.  •*  As 
long  as  England  shall  persist  in  her  orders  in  e4iiineil#yonF. 
majesty  wtVI  persi8t9in  your  dcem^.'*  Than  which  no  de- 
iratieit  etin  be  moire  direct  not  only  that  the  Berlin  and  Mi- 
deei^ees  are  unrevoked,  hut  that  they  will  so  remain,  outil 
English  orders  in  eouncir  are  withdrawn.  And  in  the  ad« 
9SS.  delivered,  by  his  imperial  majeitty,  Nt^poleon,  to  the 
iuneU  of  oommerce  on  the  31  st  March  811,  he  thus  declares 
The  decrees  of  Berlin  and  Milan  are  the  fundamental  laws 
of  my  Empire.  For  the  neutral  navigation  I  consider  the 
flag  as  an  extension  of  territory.  The  power,  which  sufit'ra 
its  flag  to  be  violated,  cannot  be  considered  as  neutinl.  Tlie 
fate  of  the  American  commerce  will  soon  be  decided.  I  will : 
favor  lt»  if  the  United  States  confocm  themselves  to  these 
decrees.  In  a  contrary  easoi  their  vessels  will  be  driven 
fk'om  my  empire.*' 


^!; 


(I 


i  I  ;i 


I! 


!j; 


|\ 


5,|i 

■Ml! 


24 

And  «s  Ifttefts  the  10th  of  March  last,  in  a  report  of  he 
French  minister  of  foreign  relations,  rommunieated  to'  th^ 
conservative  Senjito,  it  is  declared.  **  that  ns  long  as  the  Bri- 
«•  tilth  orders  in  council,  are  not  revoked,  and  the  princildcs  of 
**  the  treaty  of  Utreeht,  In  relation  to  neutrals  put  in  force,  the 
••  decrees  o*f  Berlin  and  Milhn.  oH{;ht  to  subsist ;  fop  the  power« 
«« who  suffer  their  fl«g  to  Ih'  denationalised/'  In  none  of  these 
arts,  is  there  any  exception  in  favor  of  the  United  States. 
And  on  thrt  contrary  in  the  report  of  March  last,  by  pladiig 
those  decrees  on  the  basis  of  »•  the  principles  of  the  treaty  of 
•*  Ulreehf,"  the  French  Minister  has  extended  the  terms 
•f  revocation  beyonti  aH  prior  pretensions. 

'riiose  wiio  maintain  the  revocation  of  these  decrees,  as  Itr** 
Bpeets  tlie  t'niled  States,  rely  wholly  upon  the  suspension  of 
the  decisions  of  the  Firnch  prize  courts,  in  relation  to  some 
few  vessels,  and  the  liberation  of  others,  by  the  special  di- 
reetionofthe  French  Kmperor.  Can  there  be  stronger  prc- 
•nniptive  evidence,  of  the  existence  of  thos^  decrex^s  than  this-^ 
thttC  no  Vi  ssel  is  excepted  from  their  operation,  until  after 
the  special  exeroise  of  the  Emperor's  will,  in  the  particular 

case. '  ■ 

If  the  decrees  were  effectively  revoked,  there  would  be  no 
enptarct;  orif  any  were  made,  liberation  would  be  a  matter 
of  course  and  of  general  right;  instead  of  being  an  affair  of 
pnriicular 'favor,  or  caprice.    Is  it  for  vexations  and  indulgea- 
1^8  like  these,  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  are  to  a- 
bandon  their  commerce  and  peace?  Is  it  fbr  such  favors,  they  are 
to  invite  the  calamities  of  war  ?  If  the  resources  of  negotiation 
verecxlianste«l,  had  the  government  no  powers  reroainiog  to  di- 
miivishthe  causes  of  national  controversy,  by  preventing  abuses? 
After  this*  had  it  no  powers  to  provide  for  protecting  indispu- 
table and  important  rights,  without  Waging  a  war  of  offence  I 
In  the  regular  exercise.  Of  legislative  and  executive  powers  f 
ini.^;ht  not  the  fair  olijects  of  interest  for  our  counti^  hav^  bee^ 
secured  completely,  by  eoEisistent  and  wholesonie  plans  for  de*J 
fensive  protection  ?  And  would  not  a  national  position,  strict- 
ly defensive,  yet  highly  respectable,  have  l>een  less  burthen- 
some  to  the  peo;>le  than  the  projected  war?  Would  it  not  be 
more  friendly  to  the  cause  of  our  own  seamen; — more  sale  for 
our  navigation  rm\  commerce  ;  more  favorable  to  the  interests  \ 
of  our  Hgricu'Mure;  less  hazardous  to  national  character;! 
more  worthy  of  a  people  jealous  of  their  liberty  and  iiidejten- 
denee  ? 

For  entering  into  these  hostilities  is  there  any  Uiing,   ki\ 
the  ft'ienflship,  or  commerce.  Of  France,  in  its  nature  very  in* 
teresting,  or  alluring?    Will  the  r«a|iiug  of  the  scanty' Held! 


'      i5      / 

ftVirtneiimMf  ivIiieU  we  s^ek,  ih  anyway  ootDpeiMatelb|r 
>  tUh  harvest  of  ^JBfinU  co^iiieree»  which  by  intt  ire  ake 
mt  tottbandMi ?  When  entering  into  a. war,  with  Oreat 
lritain»  Ibr  cemtnercial  rights  and  ihterestsylt  seens^  ^nBpoj|i^ 
Ihie  not  to  enquire*  into  ^e  state  of  t^ur  eominercial  reladons 
ti&k  France^  and  the  advantages  the  tlnlted  States  ivrlll  dbtain. 

^emaytbasbe  enahled  to  judge  whethep  the  priie  is  wortli 

lb  eontest..        .   * 

By  an  pffidial  statement* inade  to  Congress  during  thepne- 

'  seision,  it  appears  that  of  4^^5,894,000  dollars  dT  domestio 
iroduetions  of  the  United  States^  exported  from  September 
bth,  tMO,toOetoberl8t,  iSli,  onlyl,lM,S7S  dollars  weitH 
!)xperted  to  .France  and  Italy*  induditig  Sicily*  not  a  depen* 
kmey  (^FrancCi  *,         ■      '  .  ,.  % 

-^-France  ii  how  deprived  of  all  h^r  Ibreign  ecll<^nei^i,^bj 
reviewing  out  tfade  with  thai  country  for  scleral  years  mSi^ 
ind  before  the  date  of  the  orders  in  council,  it  wiU  apjHMirihiit^ 
bjieiusive  of  her fiM«ign  possessions.  itV^been  coropinitivcly 
iconsiderable. .    The  annexed  statement  iQarfced  A.*  takeii 

>m  official  documents,  shows  tlui  quantity  of  particular  arti* 
!es,  the  produce  of  the  tjnited  States  exported  to  iiU  thi^ 
I'orid,  <ttstittguishing  the  amotmtbcth  to  France  an^  to  E^g. 
^  and  h^r  dependencies  froM^JltO  to  lill..    FrpmtSa 

ktementit  appears,  how  small  Ir  proportion  of  the  great  il%? 

Bs  of  odr  couttti^  is  taken  *,  by  Francej     liTfiile  Jfi^rance  re^ 

ined  her  enlonies*  her  colonij  prbdiice  found  its  way  $o  llin 
lotlier  country  tbrcu^  the  United  S^tes,  and  our  tradtwiti 
&r  in  tb^^  articled,  ivai  not'  inconsiderable.  But  since  Jh» 
IS  been  deprived  of  her  foreign  possessions,,  and  iiince  the  ts«. 
kblishjiient  of  her  inunicipal.reguIations*  as  to  licences,  tbiii 
Me  has  been  in  a  greatdegrid,  anniiiilated.  With  respeet  to 
lloalal  produce  none  dan  be  imported  intoFranc^  except  lh>ii^ 
)3*Hettlar  pores  of  the  United  States  and  under  special  Imperial 
penoeff.    rot  these  licences  our  merchants  must  pay  what 

I*  It  «ppeai«b]r  it  th4t  for  twelve  years  past,  France  has  not  takcii 
\ntf  y«ar  more  tlwn 

Cotton    Y,000,000  Pounils   [   Tobacco  .   16)000  Hogsheads 

•Rice  r,000  Tierces  |    Dried  Fish  87,000  Quintals 

lOf  Qour,  naval  ^ttcires  and  lumber,  none  of  any  importance. 
[It  also  appears,  by  it,  that  the  annual  average  tiiken  by  t^rance  for 
feWe  years,  was,  of 

Cotton    2,664,090  Pounds   I    Tobacco       3,927  Hogsheads 
,  l5**^«  2,3S3  Tierces  |    Fish  84,733  Quintals 

FOHate  years  some  of  those  articles  have  not  been  shipped  ^t  a^ 
•^ctly  to  France,  but  they  have,  probably,  found  their  way  thithef 

"1;h  the  norchcm  po'  ♦sof  Europe. 

D 


il 


ii 


!i:i 


11 


i6 

i^e  agents,  of  .the  French  goyernmeiit  think  proper  to  demAno;  | 
As  to  articles  of  our  domestio  produof^»  they  &ve  bttrdeiiedr 
,ivittl,8^cb  eilorbitant  dfitiesk  and  are  suft^ected  to  such  regula- 
tions &iit(  i^strietiens  on  tjdeir  iraipor^tion  a;*  Ja  prdinary 
^times*  wiiiamoant  to  a  prc^ibitiiin*^      Cfn  the  5th  of  August 
'iSlO,  the'Vei^  day  of  the  iJuke  of  Gadore's  noted  letter,  a 
duty  irasiniposed  on  all  sea-island  cotton,  ioiportedjlntoFranerJ 
bf  iQore  than  eighty  cents  p^r  (found,  and  on  othei*  eotton  (^l 
about  sixty  cents  per  pound,  amounUng  to  three,  or  f^nr,  times  I 
tfieir  orjg^inai  cost  in  the  Ukiited  States,    And  as  to  tobacco,  tli^  I 
t^'rench  minister  here  on  the  23d  of  July  1^11>.  informed  our 
goTernmeni  that  it  was  **  under  an  administration  (en  regie) 
ai  FVaneo ;'  tf»e  administration  (lie  says)  is  the  only  oonsumerl 
tfnd  can  purchase  only  the  quantity  necessary  for  its  eonsumptj 
fion."    And  by  other  regulations  not  more  than  otufifeUnthl 
of  a)f  tde  tobacco  consumed,  in  France,  can  be  ox  forei^ 
gronrth.    The  ordinnry  quantity  of  tobacco  apnually  eosfsnin- 
ed  in  Firatiee  is  estimated  at  thirty  thousand  hogaheaiSt  kavJ 
^g  only  about  Uyo  thousand  hogsheads  of  foreign  tobacco  to^ 
he  purchased  in  FraneiC'. 

In  addition  to  these  impositions  and  restrietions,  the  im-^l 
j^rter  Is  not  left  at  liberty  with    f;espeet  to  his  return  car^l 

So.    By  ttther  ^icts,  he  ||  eoifipelled  to  vesjt  the  avails  of]f 
is  impoiHatiiins,  i^,  aft«Pt|Hi^ir|g  duties  and   seizures^  any^ 
remain,  itf  soehl^  airticles  m  French    produce  and  mana-^i 
factui^,  an  th^  Fiieticli  govefiiment  thinks  proper  tp  direct.; 
'iTiiriii  thirds  i.i  feast  must  be  laid  mit;  in  s.iks  and  the  other  tbir<ll 
In'  tlPinesV  .brandies,  and  otticr  articles,  of  that  com^ry.    Tol 
iSk^\v  that  thi^aecountorourcoiiimereinl  relations  ^vltli  Francef 
doeB'n'<^  f'bst  6h   dbubtfuf  authority,  the  .undersigned*  would 
I'efcr  to  t6e  statements  and  dociarations  uf  eur  government  OitN 
fills  subjecf.    in  u  l^etter  from  iVlr.  Smith,;,  the  late  Secretary 
of  State,  to  the  mlniiiiter  ot^Franee  here,  of  the  18th  Deeemberj 
fStO,  speaking  uf  our  trade  to  iKi^t  c<^untry,  under  its  reguhi- 
llons;  aftier  tTif  plrfended  re  peal  of  the  dcei'ees,  Mr.  Smith  sa^s,  \ 
**  The  restrictions  of  the  Iserlin  and  Milan  deevees  had  the^ 
etlt'lct  of  rrsf raining  the  Amp'i'ienn  merchants   from   sendin^^^ 
their  vessels*  (d^  France.    The  liif^rdicfions  in   the-  system 
that  has  been  silhstituted,  against  tito<aflmis8ion  of  AmeHcan| 
products,  will  have  the  effeet  of  imposing  upon  tUeih  an  equ^l 
restraint.''^ 

*•  ] f  then,  furthe  revokeddecrces, ihunieipal Ik Ws, producing  i 
the  same  cotAirierdal  effect  have^  bee^  substituted^  the  mode 
only,  and  not'tAe  measure,  has  unidergohe  ah  alteration;    And 
however  true  i^l  ihn^^  lie,  that' the  change  islawftil  in  fprni,it 
)«;  orevereh^les^,  as  fruci  Ihiit  it  is  ctscDtially  unfriendly,  and*  I 


II  ! 


^ 


m»i\X doQ9  noi  at  all  coipport  with  the  ideas*  inspired  hj  ypufi 

letter  of  the  27th  iilt.  in  .which  yon  were  pleased  to,  declare 

||ie«  distinctly  pronounced  inteniion  of  his iniperis^  niajesty 

W.  hivoring  tHe  commercial  relatiqiis,  between  France  and  the 

7nited  States,  in  all  the  objcfsts  of  trafilc,  wl^ich  shall  evidently: 

iirQcee^  from  their^gricuUure^orinnnufaptiii'es.'*  *<If France^ 

ly  her  own  acts»  has  blockaded  up  her  ports  against  the  in- 

Voduotion  of  the  products  of  the  linked  States,  what  motive 

ias  this  government,  in  a  discussion  with  a  third  power»  tq 

isist  on  tiie  privilege  of  going  tpFfancd  \    Whene^  tlie  in- 

|uceuient<,  to  ursrip  t|ie  onni^lincnt  of  a  blockade  of  FSraneeJt 

fhen,  if  anqulleu,  no  American  cargoes  could  obtain  a  mar^ 

ieX  in  tiny  of  her  ports  1    in  such  n  state  of  things,  a  blockade 

[f  the  coHst  of  France  would  be,  to  tlta  United  States,  as  utti 

[iiportaut,  as  v^ould  be  a  bioekudc  of-  the  coast  of  the  Caspian- 

;a."-      ■"  ■       ■        ^  ■  •        .  ^ 

And  so  fur  has  tlie  French  euiperor  bjpen  from  relaxing,  ii^ 

rhole^  or  in  part,  these  odious  i'egulations  as  to  us,  in  ^onse- 

iuenee  o^our  suboiUting  to,giye  up  our  English  triade,  that 

|icy  have  been  made  a  subject  of  special  instructiqns,  to  the 

li^nister,  who  has  been  sent  tq  ^heeoi^rt  of  France,.    Mr.  Mon* 

>e,  in  bis  letter  <)f  instructions  toMr.  Badqw  of  July  36>  ISlln 

lys,  "  Tour  early  and  particujiar  attention  will  bedra^vn  ta 

le  great  subject  of  the  qomniereiatrelation,  which  i«k  to  8ulr» 

1st,  in  future,  between  the  United  States  and  France^    The 

jsident  expects  that  the  oommero^  of  the  Uniteil^StateH  will 

plaeecl,  in  tine  pqrtspf  France,  on  such  a  footing  as  to  affordC 

[afalrmar|cet|  andto  the  industry  %n4  enterprise  qf  their  oi- 

Eens,  a  rea^onnUIe  encourage  uient.     An  arrangen^eQt  t<>^l>U 

JTect.  was.Jooked  for,  immediately  after  the  revopat^ion  qftUlft 

rorees,  but  it,  appears  from  the  documents,  ^i  this  department^ 

[at  that  WHS  notth^  ease ;  on  the  (contrary  tJiat  atfi'><?onvn^C6 

\8  been  suljected  to  the  greatest  discouragement,  or  rathett  to, 

moist  oppreasive  restifaints  ;  tiiat  the  vesselv,  Mtbieh  carried 

liTee  sugar  &c.  thouf^h  sailing  directly  from.the  United  States 

[a  French  port,  Vfere  held  in  a  sfatie  pf-sequestraiii^,  on  the 

[inciple,  that  thp  trade  was  prohibited,  arid  that,  the  impor^ 

{lion  of  tVese  articles  Va^  not  only  unlawful,  bj^t  crjininal  | 

|[at  even  tjie  vcssicts;  whleli  carried  tl^e  ^nquestiloJ(^ilJ}e  proc[uf$<!' 

>n9  of  the  United  States,  were  exposed  to  great  and  expensive 

^lays  to  tcidious  investigations,  in  ^npsuaL  fcU'^s,.  and  to  ex\ 

iitant  duties.    In  short  that  tlie  opdinary.  usages  of  oom- 

!rce  between  friendly  nations,  vfiw .  abai^dAWed." 

I  Again  Mr.  Monroe,  in  the  saipe  letter,  says,  «tf  the  porta 

France,  and  her  allies   are  not  opened  to  the  commerae 

tjie  United.  States,  on  a  liberal  scale  and  on  fair  coDdl|ipiMi 


I," 


«8 

^  wliftt  ^TBilt^tlienir  it  iiuijbeAske4*-iT>U  be4k<»re«opAtio|| 
of  tlm^  dntifh  orders  In  counolU    In  contendiBg  for  tlie.re^ 
^^TdmIIoii  of  these  orilers,  so  fax  as  it  tiras  a  ol^eet  <^  interest, 
^United  Staffs  Imd  III  tIbw,  a  ti^e  to  the  eontinebt.    It  j 
was  aifh|r  Teg^rnate  otr|dot  and  wortli  odhtei^diiil*  f(M*>  while  I 
Ihranee  eiieou^ag^d  it,    Biit  if  she  shuts  heP  ports  on  onr  eoni- 1 
iaer(6e,  or  tinrains  it  With  heavy  ^utles,  tHatknptiye  is  at  an  I 
|nd.'^    He  $|[a|n  ^ays>.  **yovk  wOl  see  the  injustibe  anil  60- 
dearbur  to  prevent  the  neeessitj  of  banging  in  return  for  A' 
Bienioan  eargoes,  sold  in  Fraiice#  an  equ»l  amoiint  In  f/i<B  fro- 
dwe,  or  iiiai^«ef uires  of  that  opuntry.    l^o  auoh  ^^hUgatioR  is  | 
Imposed  on  French  merchants)  tiding  to  the  ilnited  Statte**!.  I 
Th^eajdy  the  liberty  of  selling  their  cargoes  for  pasht  a»(i 
faking  baek  what  they  pleased  ffom  this  country^  inri(ftni*n.    )t ' 
is  inms^nsable,  that  the  tradey be  tree*  thnt  all  AiAe^eaitciv 
tizen^  dn^^iigied  ih'it  be  plkped  qn  the  same  footingv  iiMF,  witlij 
ihis  Vi^w*  ^^t  tiie  system  of  carrying  It  on*  by  HcettceSf,  grant- 
cd  byF^nob  ag^ents  he  impiediately  annulIe^L" 

"jThe  deipatciieV  froni  Mt.  B«ri6w»  hy  thelE|Qrnet,  most  cle^rlf  j 
l|io.w  tbat  the  ex/iectationa  of  bi^r  government  have  not  only  not! 
Men  resfized,  but  that  eventjl)is  protaUia  obuined,  by  pnr  minister 
ire  ol  a  rsty^  unsatHriRxctory  nature.  lAdeed  while  BonipaYteis  wnd-l 
fag  armies  to  the  north  of  Europe*  to  take  possession  of  the  ports] 
em  tie  Baitic»  and  by  his  fast  sailmn^  squadrons,  is  bumii^  Ameri-I 
can  yesaeli),  on  the  .^tlahtici  aU  expe^^ions  of  a  fifee  trade  fro^  f 
prance,  roost  be'worse  than  vain,     ' 

Noiinthiitiinding  the  vioienpe  of  the  bciV^erents,  were  the  re- 
sl^rietions  of  our  own  govemihent  tctnovedt  the  Pomriierce  of  t)>e| 
^jpToiled  Wtes  inicht  be  oa^t^hsive  and  profitable.    It  is  well  known  [ 
that  from  the  gillaritry  of  oor*  seamen,  if  'merchant  vessels  were 
i^owed  to  arm  an'4  aftsocmteji  for  self  defence,  they  would  be  able  | 
to  repeimany  unUtwful  agg^restions.  "the  danger  of ipaptVirti,  would 
be  dzndnished,  and  in  relation  to  one  of  the  belligei*ents  at  least;  tbe( 
risk,  under  attcfa  circumstances,  would  soon  be  nieasured  by  insur- 
ance. ■  "■  '     ■  '    ■  ' 

The  discuasiona  of  our  nfovernment,  in  relation  to  the  British! 
•rders  ki  council,  give  a  currency  to  the  opinion  that  they  exist,! 
without  any  modification  according  to  the  extentof  th^'  6rst  pvinci'l 
pies,  on  wti^ch  they  were  issued.      And  the  French  minister,  in  hisP 
lastcommunication,'on  this  subject,  made  tot^ Conservative  Senate,; 
on  the  IQth  pf  March  last,  spea^Lsof  the  blockade  of  the  10th  of  May 
UOC  «as  anhibilating  the  rights  of  all  maritime  states  and  putting 
lender  .interdiction  whole  coasts  and  empires ;"  and  of  the  orders  in: 
£oiinbiI<^190f,  as  tIioug;h' still  subsisting,  and  that  accordmg  tor 
their  principles  all  vessels  were  compelled  "  to  p&y  A  tribute  to| 
£ng!and,  and  all  cargoes  a  tariff  to  her  Customs."    What  the  real] 
extent  and  pnnciple  of  the  blockade  of  May  1806  were,  have  already 
been  explained.    With  respect  to  the  British  orders  of  1807,  tlioj 
^U|h  ill  that  by  9,  ne^f  order  itsaed  on  the  20th  of  April  180^/ they  j 


*St  ^ 

r  irwe  rvrolcecl  w  tnddificdi  and  the  vboaxioiia  iranik  dtu^r  exited^ 
ibe^Frencb  j^utter  ^tribttte  and  taviff**  «a»Akii»aiNi)ri  Tt»mm 
^ordw  of  April  1809»  which,  is  now  the  subject  of  coinplawilvllni^'iiMl 
to  "all  the  porta  and  placea  aafiv  north  ai  tlMiri¥er  Elm,  ui- 
|clunvely,  under  the  government  s^ng  teetf  ^e  Kiogitoni 
UmT  Hollandi  and  alt  ports  and  plaeea  iind^r  ll^e  goremment  of 
i^'rance;  toj^ether  wkh  the  eolonlM,  pi^Btatims,  and  fVt^leiiients  In 
[thB  possMsuMi  iof  those  gotremmBntk  respeetivelf,  and  ail  porta  liiil 
[phiees  in  Uie  northern  parts  of  Italy,  to  be  reclimied  hem  the  pm» 
[#f  Ortutetib  and  Pesaroj  inclusively.*'  ?  ri--.  .^      •*  1  r 

'the  eflRoct  then  of.  the  British  orders  of  blodcadii-tto^lii  ford»» 

[H  to  deprive  tw  of  the  commerce  of  France,  HotlaDd  aMd4i  pait  of 

[Italy.    And  tbey  leave  open  to  us  the  commerce  of  all  thii  retif'^ 

[the  Vtoild.    Wbat  that  is  same  estimate  may  be  formed  by  reeiilf- 

^ence  to  the  subjoined  table,  which  ei^hibits  the  state  of  6^f  coal' 

Imieffee  dunag  IfOf  and  l«07Wrhe  two  Isstyefti^  a^tjMte(k»pit  to  the 

Loperatioa  of  oor  rastrictive  system.    By  that  table  i|  aDpi^ars  t^t 

ttfie  value  of  the  exports  of  our  domestic   produets  to  France 

Holland  and  Italy  was  during  those  two  yews,*  at«n  avefllgeonly 

[of  about  aix  and  •  l^lf  milRoht  6/  dai^;    Whereas  the  averjtge  of 

lour  domestic  exports,  to  all  other  perts  of  the  worlds  «nd  which  artf 

[now  left  free,  to  us  notvrithststfiding  the  effect  of  the  British  ordOfift 

'  I  council  tucwithimy  eight  mUlisJi*  f    So  extensive  a  comQteree» 

It  is  proposed  to  surrender,  for  the  restricted  trade  the  French  emplb* 

"^ir  will  allow.    A  trade  burdened  by  impeaiti(M|S,orhai'msiedihr 

sxationt,   from  French  domination,  and  FreMtt  ^b^emiei^t^ '  or 

sustom  house  offlicefS)  in  almost  ever^  port' of  cwitindntal  Eii« 

»pc..  '  - .-.  ^.     .     ^  . 

As  in  the  scale  of  cdmmercial  advantages  Franco  has  little  tD  offer, 

ristum,  for  the  many  obvious  hazards,  Which  accordhig  to  the^ 

rish  of  her  Emperor,  the  United  Slates  are  about  to  inciirY  b<»;^ 

*  Vaiiie  of  artideii  of  domestic  produce,  exported  to  KlI  the  worId> 

In  180S.'  In  1907. 

^hole  Amount  8*l>353,73/  Whole  ^mdunt  B4|>f99,59S 


?Q  France 

ro  Holland,  now 

»rtofFrimce 
'd  Italy 


3,336,698 

S,609,964 
18i,346 


3,716>U1 


7,03^,001 


|>  England  and 
^dependencies     19,179,98.1 
l^o  all  other  parts        -"' 
I'bf  the  world       15,051,740 


34,331,731 


3,098,3^4 
350,3^r 

6,064,633 


37,915,077 
14,719,883 
4S,6S4,#to 

TT"- — - 


30 


U 


(bemord  etUmate  of  nationail  prospects,  there  is  little  character  tA. 
gfUQt  or  tMMoiadon  to  expect  in  the  dark  scene  of  things^  on  whicl| 
#0  arot'ettterirtg. 

A  natbn^  like  the  United  Statesi  happy  in  its  great  local  relations  ; 
removed  from  the  bloody  theatre  of  Europe ;  with  a  mbritime  bor- 
HePf  opening  yast  fields  for  enterprize;— iwith  territorial  possessions, 
<txceedtiig,  eysr^  real  want  ;-4ts  firesides  safe  ;-P>its  altars  undefil- 
ed}— from: invasion  nothing  to  fear ;— from  acquisition  nothing  to' 
)ltpe';-i<4iow  shall  sueh  a  nation  look  to  heaven  for  its  smiles,  while 
throwing  away,  as  though  they  were  worthless,  all  the  blessings  an4 
pys, 'wJtaoh  peace  and  such  a  distinguished  lot,  include?  With 
>vhat  prayers  can  it  address  th6  Inost  high,  when  it  prepares,  to  pour 
foirtb  itt  youthful  rage,  upon  a  neighboring  people  ;  from  whose 
sti^ngtkf  It  has  nothing  to  dread,  from  whose  devastation  it  has  no% 
fMottoffiinr 

v|f  mir  Uls  were  of  a  nature,  that  war  would  remedy ;  if  war  would 
C|»mpensate  any  of  our  losses ;  or  remove  any  of  our  complaints, 
there  ndght  be  some  alleviation  of  the  suffering,  in  the  cluurm  of 
ihe  prospect.  But  how  will  war  upon  the  land,  protect  commerce 
lipon  the  ocean  i  What  balm  has  Canada  for  wounded  honour  t 
Vim  are  our  mariners  benefited  by  a  war,  which  exposes  those,  who 
•re  free,  witl|<Mit' promising  release  to  those,  whq  are  impressed  i 
.  Bu|  It  if  said  that  war  ia'demanded  by  honour.  Is  national  honour 
a  principle,  which  thirstsafter  vengeance,  and  is  appeased,  only,  by 
^j^od ;  which^  trampling  on  the  hbpeis  of  man,  and  spurning  the  law, 
of  Goid,  untaught  by  what  is  past  and  careless  of  what  is  to  come^ 
If  ffcitutatM  Itself  into  any  foily«  or  madness,  to  gratify  a  §el$sh  va-n 
Dity»  or  to  saUate  some  unhallowed  rage  i  If  honour  demands  a  war^ 
^ith  England)  what  opiate  lulls  that  honour  to  sleep  over  the 
i^rongs  done  us  by  France  i  Qn  land,  robberies,  ^eisjures,  impri-^ 
t|fBiment9,  by  French  authority  ;  at  nev,  pillage,  sjinMngSrl^urning^ 
under  French  orders.  These  are  notorious.  Are  they  unfclt  her 
^{ips^they  are  French  ?  Is  any  a'leviation  to  be  fount!  in  tUe,c»r> 
respondeuQe  and  humiliations  of  the  present  Minister  Pienipotcn- 
liary  of  the  Ujiited  States  a1;'the  French  Court  ?  Ip  his  communic?;- 
tions  tpour  gqtvemment,  as  before  the  public,  \vhei*e  is  the  cAiise 
for  noyf  selecting  France,  as  the  friend  o^  our  Qoyntry  and  En^kun|^ 
as  the  enemy  ? 

K  no  iilusinns  of  personal  feclinp,  and, no  spliQiturf*?  for  elevation 
nf  place,  should  be  permitted  to  misguide  the  public  couaciHn  ;^  if  i^' 
Is,  indeecU  honorable  (br  the  true  statesman  to  consult  the' public 
VeUiire,  to  provide,  in  fnth,  for  the  pubyc  defence,  and  impose  no 
yoke  of  bondai^e  ;  with  full  kno\Tlcfl{;e  oj*  ihc  wrongs  tuflicted  by  the 
French,  ought  the  goverfinient  of  tins  country,  to  aid  tUc  E'r'^ich. 
rause,  by  engaging  in  war,  against  the  enf»my  of  fjrance  ?  X"  9''^" 
ply  thr,  waste  of  such  a  war  and  to  meet  tlie  appropriations  qimil- 
Uons  c:;tri|ordinavy,  for  the  warexpendU.yres^mvisi  our  fcllowt^itJ- 
y.ons,  thronfi;lu)Ut  the  union,  6c  doomed  to  systajn. tbe  burden  of 
\var-taxcS|  in  various  forms  of  direct  and  indirect  ijnposition  ?  For 
dB.ci&l  iplprrii^tion,  respecting  the  miluons  d?emei^  rpfjuisitc  lor 
cimrgesof  the  war;  for  like  Information,  respecting  the  nature  aucj^. 


I  / 


i 


a,mou 
the  c( 
made 
and^ 
iheii 

It* 
be  uu 

deuce 

can  wi 

ii  see; 

about 

|k  navy 

-agains 

t>rotec 

by  pri 

honest 

||»ower] 

ing  am 

the  eatt 

in  theii 

paired  I 

Nations 

are  pro 

that  aw 

Sealed, 

place  0 

age  of ! 

The 

ed  State 

vateersi 

Pommel 

rate  act 

Newtc 

deceive< 

we  visit 

with  the 

not  be  V 

At  a  I 

'sious  siii 

which' th 

or.  requi 

OE 

idA 

AB 

th 

JFOS 


«cter  t(i. 
n  whicli 

lations ; 
me  bor- 

undefil-^ 
thing  to 
!S,  while 

?  With 
,,  to  pour 
n  whose 
thwno* 

ar  wonld 

mplaints, 

;luirm  of* 

jmmercc 

hpBOur  I 

)Ose,  who 

essed  i 

al  honour 

I,  only,  by 

g  the  law, 

to  comeir 

flQsh  va^i 

nds  a  war^ 

Qver  the 

s,  impri-' 

l^urnings^ 

nfelt  her 

the.c«r- 

inipotcn- 

munic?-' 

he  CAUse 

lelevation 

:i^iJfiV 
he'  public 

Vipose  no 

[ed  by  the 

toV'P- 
18  ql  mil- 
jUowtQit!,- 
lui'dcn  of 
In  ?  For 
hisitc  lor 
llure  fw^ 


8« 

ktnount  of  taxesj  deemed  requisite  for  drawing tho&B  :inini6jift  fiom 
the  cemiKunity5  it  ii  here  buflicient  to  refer  to  estimatesand  rMx>rts 
inadc  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  and  the  Cominitt^e  o^  Way4 
and  Means,  and  to  the  body  of  resolutions}  passed  in  March  last,  id 
the  liouse  of  Representatives. 

,  It  would  be  some  relief  to  oui:  anxiety,  if  amends  were  likely  to 
be  made,  for  tlie  weakness  and  wildness  of  the  project,  by  the  pru- 
dence of  the  preparation.  Bi))|.iif  no  aspect  of  Uiis  anomalous  Affair 
can  we  trate  the  great  and  distinctive  properties  of  wii^aip,. .There 
ii  seen  a  headlong  rushing,  into  difeculties,  miiU  lilUe  cirieuktion 
about  the  means  and  littie  concern  about  the  consequences.  ,  With 
k  navy  comparatively  nominal,  we  are  about  to  ent^  into  the  list* 
against  the  greatest  marine  on  the  globe.  With  a  coBim^ree^  un- 
protected and  spread  over  ever^  otean,'  we  propose  to  make  profit, 
oy  privateering,  and  for  this  endanger  the  wealth,  of  wliichvsfe  a«^ 
honest  proprietors.  An  invasion  is  threatened  of  the  colonies  of  ft 
^ower,  which,  wiiliout  putting  anew  ihip  into  commi&sionf  or  tak- 
ing anod||ir  soldier  into  pay,  can  spread  alarm,  or  desolation  along 
the  esttensiVe  i  ange  of  our  seaboard.  The  resources  of  odr  country,' 
in  their  natur^tl  statey  great  beyond  our  wantsy  or  our  hopes  are  im- 
paired bv  the  cfffect  of  artificial  restraints.  Before  adequate  fortifi. 
Nations  are  prepared  for  domestic  defence,  before  n^en,^  or  money 
are  provided  lor  a  war  of  atta^k^  why  hasten  into  the  midi^t  of 
\  I  that  awful  contest,  which  is  kying  wast6  Eitrope  ?  It  cannot  be  coiv* 
cealed,  that  to  engage,  in  the  present  war  against  England  is  to 
place  ourselves  on  the  side  of  France ;  anf}  exposes  Us  to  tht\<tjnal- 
age  of  staies,  serving  under  the  banners  of  the  French  Emperor. 

The  undersigned  cannot  refrain  from  asking«  witat  are  tnie ^Unit- 
ed States  to  gain  by  this  war  ?  Will  the  grt^tification  of  some,  pri , 
vateersmen  compensate  the  nation  for  that  sweep  of  our  legitimate 
^bmmer^e  by  the  extended  marine,of  our  enemy,  which  thi« despe- 
rate act  invites.  Will  Canada  compensate  tlie  middle  states,  for 
New  York;  or  the  western  states  for  New  Orleans  f  Letusixttbe 
deceived.  A  war  of  invasion  ir.ny  invite  a  retort  of  invasion.  When 
we  visit  the  peaceable,  and,' as  to  usinnoccnt,  colonies  of  Grcjit  Britui^ 
with  the  horrors  of  war  can  wc  be  Assured  that. our  own  coast  wilt 
not  be  visited  with  like  horrors  ? 

At  a  crisis  of  the  world  such  as  the  present,  and  under  imprev-' 

'sious  siich  ^s  these,  the  undersigned  could  not  consider  itie  war,  in 

which  the  U  ^tates,' have,  m  secret  been  precipitated,  a^  necessary,' 

or.  required  by    any  moral  duty,   (.r    any    political    expedittacy. 

OEORGE  StLLlVAW,' 

MARTIN  CHITTENDEN, 

ABIJH.  BIGELOW, 

£:LIJAH  BRfOHAM^ 

WItUAM  ELY, 

JOSIAH  QUINCY/ 


.-*( 


\\ 


IAHAN  WHEAtON, 
liEOKABD  WHrTE,  ^ 

iUC^ABDi  JACKSOK,  ittB. 
EUSl^  B.  POTTES* 
E?AFHIK0BITU|l  CHAMPIOST 

imU^  LAW, 

lONA.  O.  MOSEtEV, 
TIMO.  PirilN,  Juo. 
]^WE3  B.  STUROES, 

k  nUEBClKBR, 
JAMES  £MOTr» 
ASAMTCH, 
^OS  B.  GOLD, 
14HES  MILNOR^ 
H.  M.  lOBGELT, 
€.  GOLDSBOROUGH, 
PHILIP  B.  KEY, 

JAMES  BiteCKENBIDGEr 
Jas.  LEWI8>  Jun. 

TH08.  WILSON; 

A.  M'BBXDE, 

JOS.  PEARSON, 


.^^MMfty 


T^M 


Tbm 


•  In 
act,  4  m 
^If  mil 
\  millioi 

t  181 
Spain,. 
for  Tlor 
and  the 
lions  fui 


as 

VOTE  A." 
.^urniOtp  -^  imrtktlar^viiKiety  the  firod^ee^tht  UitiHd  Statt^,  est* 

fiortedt ^om  \^00  to  l^UfVix  :  ' 


o 

OTION. 

TtuUptrtt  of  the  woNU. 

To  Franeei 

To  England. 

lbs. 

lbs. 

lbs. 

1800 

!17,78»,803 

none. 

f  6,179,513 

1801 

1^0,911,301 

844,738 

18,953,065 

1803 

37,501,075 

1,907,849 

93,473,935 

1803 

41,105,633 

3  831,840 

J7.737,307 

1804 

38.118,011 

5,946-848 

35,770,748 

1805 

40,383,491 

4504,329 

f3,57V>71 

1806 

37.491,383 

7,082,118 

^4,356,457  * 

III 

<66,6 13,737" 

6,114,358 

«3,>80,31l 

13,064,346 

3,087,450 

7,9^59$ 

53,310,335 

none  direoi^ 

13,365.987 

i9m 

93374,801 

do. 

d6vl7l,^l$ 

18114 

43,186 

do. 

46,873,453 

lOCE. 

-:      ■ 

TbmU  fiarf  qf  the  vatfUL 

To  France: 

ToM^igiandiltColQ, 

Tierces. 

Tierces. 

Tierces. 

1800 

113,056 

none. 

77,547 

1801 

94,866 

3,724 

65.033 

1803 

79,833 

7,186 

37,393 

1803 

81,838 

3,116 

33,800 

1804 

78,385 

6,014 

34,975 

1805 

56,830 

1,601 

34,737 

1806 

103,637 

3,393 

39,398 

18(  7 

94.693 

3,006    - 

37,417  . 

•  1808 

9,338 

Aone  direct; 

4,398 

R  uo*i 

116,907. 

ido. 

83,138        . 

IVisio 

131,341 

do. 

;^i;,il8 

1    1811 

119,356 

do. 

40,045 

m* 


.  *  In  1809,  iif  aM)8eqtien«e  elf  the  ^mbatgd  and  non-intercours* 
«ct,  4  millions  pounds  of  Cutton  were  shipped  for  Madeira,  10  and  a 
^lf  million*  to  the  Floridas,  6  millions  to-Faiyal  and  other  Azores, 
1  millioB  and  three  quarters  to  Ponug  l,and  10  millions  t»  Sweden. 

t  1810  about  4  millions  of  pounds  of  Cotton  were  shipped  fpf 
Spain,  3  millions  for  Portugal,  3  millions  for  Madeira,  10  millions 
forTloridas,  3  millions  tor  Europe  generally,^  n^Uions  for  Fayal 
and  the  Azores,  14  millions  for  Denmark-  and  ;Norway,  and  5  mil* 
lions  fur  .Sweden. 

\  In  Ie&U,  9  millions  of  pounds  of  Cotton  weiwrsbipped  for  Russia* 


JE. 


u 

TOaACOO. 

to  ^  ^um4  ff  thb  ^itHtt,       To  /VWNv. 


1801 

)dos 

1803  ' 
t«04  V 
"  180.5 
1896 
1807 
1808 
I8p9  ■■'" 

iwd-^ 
liif  ^ 


Hhd«. 
78,680 
103.758 
f 7,721 
8i5.391 
ft3  343 
r  1,252 
•3,186 
<2,332 
9,576 
»3,9SL 
«4,134 
•5,838 


FI6K,  DHcd'or  Smokei. 
ff^M  fiarf*  of  the  viorU^         To  France, 


1800 
1804 

I8(>3 

im 

1905 
1866 

iao7 

I8t^ 

I8d» 
Ull 


Quintals. 

392,727 

410^948 

440.^25 

461,870 

567,838 

514,549 

537,457 

473,934 

155,808 

345,648 

380,804 

316,387 


V  PJCKLED  FISH. 

Dibne  exportsd  to  fiuropean  France. 


Hhds. 
37,798 
^5,356  - 

47839 

-    184,700 
18,169 
»6,37>^ 
•3.047  ^ 

8,9,63 

Quintftl%. 
141,420 
111,630 

71,4^5 

76,833 

55,676 

66,377 

55,^43  . 

26,99« 

66,566 

55,456 


33,343 


\ 


■    i 

1800 
1801 
1803 

isbs 

1804 
180S 
1806 
l^Of 
180* 


1800 
1801 
1802 
1863 
1804 
1805 
1806 
1807 
1808 
1809 
1810 
1811 


Of 

only  i 


To 


1800 
f804 
1802 
1808 
1804 
1805 
1806 
•1807 
1808 
1809 
1810 
lilt 


;*,• 


6N  lum»  ^'4kevMfHd> 

9,408^444 

1,)1:9«,24« 
a, 311  ^3 

'810,008 

777,613 

782,724 
l,349j8ild 

363813 

846247 

798  431 
1,445,013 


BUS. 
^65,739 

4B49W 
«QS,aD6 
35^,5iL« 
a35vl76 
IK)8,04S 
•6a9|91A 
7^,084 
330,822 
192,477 
375,534 


# 


-^^>, 


Hhds. 
37,79$ 
|f5,?56  • 

47  839 

S4,7oa 

18,169 
«6,27>  V 

«a.04r  ^ 

8,965 


{uint&l^ 

141,420 

111,630 

71,495 

76,83? 

55,676 

66,37f 

55,^43  . 

26,999 

66,S6« 

55,456 


-  35 

NAVAL  STORES— TAR. 
Tt  all  funrtit  qf  the  world.        To  France,    To  Mngland  if  Colp, 

Bbls.  Bblt.                        Bbl^ 

1800  59,410  none.           58,793 

1801  67,487  none.  - 

1803  37,49r  797 
ISbS       78,989  .   itone. 

1804  58.181  ,  '       do. 

1805  72  745  do. 

1806  ^  63  723  do.  ^ 
l^Of                  59.283  do. 
I80f        18,764  do. 
1809       138  090  do. 

%19        87,310  do. 

iM  W           149,796  do. 


63,633 

31,330 
f«,29S 
45310 
59,43d 
50,663 
<1,339 

I7,a 


33,343 


l\ 


1800 
1801 
1802 
1863 
1804 
1805 
1806 
1807 
1808 
1809 
1810 
1811 


Of  the 
only  ft  ft 


BUS. 

Sft5,ra» 

IB44W 
lOS.ODfi 
2S0,5il«  ' 
235vl76 
»0«,04B 
Sa9i91fi 
7^,084 
230,822 
192,477 
^75,534 


TURPENTINE. 

83 129  none.. 

35,413  do. 

38,764  do. 

61178  do.  ,i  ■ 

77835  do. 

95  649  do. 

74  731  do. 

$3  451  do. 

17  061  do. 

77.398  do.       . 

62,912  do.       ''':' 

100,243  do. 

LUMBER.  1      ^ 

vast  quanthlet  of  Lumber  exported  from  18D0  to  pU, 
Staves  and  Heading  went  to  France,  as  follows,  vb  :i 
ThouMand9  ^  Sttivea  and  Heading.  \ 

1801  -        -        -        -        -        6,349 

18Q3      ^        -         -        -        -         •       35r 
t8ID4  ■»        ♦        •        -        -     .      321 

1605       -         *,...••         -         •         *       466     . 

1806  •*'   *•    -    -   ;  •     7l« 

1807  -    *    -    -    <   *   614 

1808  .'   -    •    •    -     lOs 


